毋忘五大訴求　公民抗命有理
—10‧20九龍遊行陳情書
（案件編號：DCCC 535/2020）

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「毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中」
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胡法官雅文閣下：

　　2012年，我第一次站在法庭上承認違反「公安惡法」，述說對普選的盼望，批評公安惡法不義，並因公民抗命的緣故，甘心樂意接受刑罰。當年我說，如果小圈子選舉沒有被廢除，惡法沒有消失，我依然會一如故我，公民抗命，並且我相信將會有更多學生和市民加入這個行列。想不到時至今日，普選仍然遙遙無期，我亦再次被帶到法庭接受審判，但只是短短７年，已經有數十萬計的群眾公民抗命，反對暴政。今日，我承認違反「未經批准的政府」所訂立「未經批准的惡法」之下的「未經批准集結」罪，我不打算尋求法庭的憐憫，但請容許我佔用法庭些微時間陳情，讓法庭在判刑前有全面考慮。

暴力之濫觴

　　在整個反修例運動如火如荼之際，我正承擔另一宗公民抗命案件的刑責。雖然身在獄中，但仍然心繫手足。我在獄中電視機前見證6月9日、6月16日及8月18日三次百萬港人大遊行，幾多熱愛和平的港人冒天雨冒彈雨走上街頭，抗議不義惡法，今日關於10月20日的案件，亦是如此。可能有人會問，政府已在6月暫緩修例，更在9月正式撤回修例，我等仍然繼續示威，豈非無理取鬧？我相信法官閣下肯定聽過「遲來的正義並非正義」（Justice delayed is justice denied）這句格言。當過百萬群眾走上街頭，和平表達不滿的時候，林鄭政府沒有理睬，反而獨行獨斷，粗暴踐踏港人的意願，結果製造出後來連綿不絕的爭拗，甚至你死我活的對抗。經歷眾多衝突痛苦之後，所謂暫緩撤回，已經微不足道，我們只是更加清楚：沒有民主，就連基本人權都不會擁有！

　　在本案之中，雖然我們都沒有鼓動或作出暴力行為，但根據早前8‧18及10‧1兩宗案件，相信在控方及法庭眼中，案發當日的暴力事件仍然可以算在我們頭上，如此，我有必要問：如果香港有一個公平正義的普及選舉，人民可以在立法會直接否決他們不認可的法律，試問2019年的暴力衝突可以從何而來呢？如果我們眼見的暴力是如此十惡不赦，那麼我們又如何看待百萬人遊行後仍然堅持推行惡法的制度暴力呢？如果我們不能接受人民暴力反抗，那麼我們是否更加不能對更巨大更壓逼的制度暴力沈默不言？真正且經常發生的暴力，是漠視人民訴求的暴力，是踐踏人民意見的暴力，是剝奪人民表達權利的暴力。真正憎恨暴力，痛恨暴力的人，不可能一方面指摘暴力反抗，又容忍制度暴力。如果我需要承擔和平遊行引發出來的暴力事件的刑責，那麼誰應該承擔施政失敗所引發出來的社會騷亂的罪責呢？

社會之病根

　　對於法庭而言，可能2019年所發生的事情只是一場社會騷亂，務必追究違法者個人責任。然而，治亂治其本源，醫病醫其病根，我雖然公民抗命，刻意違法，控方把我帶上法庭，但我卻不應被理解為一個「犯罪個體」。2019年所發生的事情，並不是我一個人或我們這幾位被告可以促成，社會問題的癥結不是「犯罪份子」本身，而是「犯罪原因」。我明白「治亂世用重典」的道理，但如果「殺雞儆猴」是解決方法，就不會在2016年發生旺角騷亂及2017年上訴庭對示威者施以重刑後，2019年仍然會爆發出更大規模的暴力反抗。

如果不希望社會動亂，就必須正本清源，逐步落實「五大訴求」，從根本上改革，挽回民心。2019年反修例運動，其實只是2014年雨傘運動的延續而已，縱使法庭可能認為兩個運動皆是「一股歪風」所引起，但我必須澄清，兩個運動的核心就是追求民主普選，人民當家作主。在2019年11月24日區議會選舉這個最類近全民普選的選舉中，接近300萬人投票，民主派大勝，奪得17個區議會主導權，這就是整個反修例運動的民意，民意就是反對政府決策，反對制度暴力，反對推行惡法，不容爭辯，不辯自明。我們作為礦場裡的金絲雀，多次提醒政府撤回修法，並從根本上改革制度，而在10月20日的九龍遊行當然是反映民意的平台契機。如今，法庭對我們施加重刑，其實只不過是懲罰民意，將金絲雀困在鳥籠之內，甚至扼殺於鼓掌之中，窒礙表達自由。

堅持之重要

　　大運動過後的大鎮壓，使我們失去《蘋果日報》，失去教協，失去民陣，不少民主派領袖以及曾為運動付出的手足戰友都囚於獄中，不少曾經熱情投入運動的朋友亦因《國安法》的威脅轉為低調，新聞自由示威自由日漸萎縮，公民社會受到沈重打擊，我亦失去不少摯友，有感傷孤獨的時候，但我仍然相信，2019年香港人的信念，以及所展現人類的光輝持久未變。我不會忘記百萬人民冒雨捱熱抗拒暴政，抵制惡法，展現我們眾志成城；我不會忘記人潮紅海，讓道救護車，展現我們文明精神；我不會忘記年青志士直接行動反對苛政，捨身成仁，展現我們膽色勇氣；我不會忘記銀髮一族走上街頭保護年青人，展現我們彼此關懷；我不會忘記「五大訴求」，不會忘記2019年區議會選舉，展現我們有理有節。

　　法官閣下，我對於當日的所作所為，不感羞恥，毫無悔意。我能夠在出獄後與群眾同行一路，與戰友同繫一獄，實是莫大榮幸。若法治失去民主基石，將使法庭無奈地接受專制政權所訂立解釋的法律限制，隨時變成政治工具掃除異見，因此爭取民主普選，建設真正法治，追求公平正義，仍然是我的理想。在這條路上，如有必要，我仍然會公民抗命，正如終審法院海外非常任法官賀輔明（Lord Hoffmann）所言，發自良知的公民抗命有悠久及光榮的傳統，歷史將證明我們是正確的。我期望，曾與我一起遊行抗命的手足戰友要堅持信念，在艱難歲月裡毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中。

　　最後，如9年前一樣，我想借用美國民權領袖馬丁路德金牧師的一番話對我們的反對者說：「我們將以自己忍受苦難的能力，來較量你們製造苦難的能力。我們將用我們靈魂的力量，來抵禦你們物質的暴力。對我們做你們想做的事吧，我們仍然愛你們。我們不能憑良心服從你們不公正的法律，因為拒惡與為善一樣是道德責任。將我們送入監獄吧，我們仍然愛你們。」（We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you.）

　　願慈愛的主耶穌賜我們平安，與我和我一家同在，與法官閣下同在，與香港人同在。沒有暴徒，只有暴政；五大訴求，缺一不可！願榮耀歸上帝，榮光歸人民！

第五被告
黃浩銘
二零二一年八月十九日

Lest we forget the five demands: civil disobedience is morally justified
- Statement on 10‧20 Kowloon Rally
(Case No.: DCCC 535/2020)

Your Honour Judge Woodcock

In 2012, I stood before the court and admitted to violating the "Public Security Evil Law". I expressed my hope for universal suffrage, criticized the evil law as unjust, and willingly accepted the penalty for civil disobedience. Back then, I said that if the small-circle election had not been abolished and the draconian law had not disappeared, I would still be as determined as I was, and I believe that more students and citizens would join this movement. Today, universal suffrage is still a long way off, and I have been brought before the court again for trial. But in just seven years, hundreds of thousands of people have already risen up in civil disobedience against tyranny. Today, I plead guilty to "unauthorised assembly" under an unapproved evil law enacted by an unauthorised government. I do not intend to seek the court's mercy, but please allow me to take up a little time in court to present my case so that the court can consider all aspects before sentencing me.

The roots of violence

At the time when the whole anti-extradition law movement was in full-swing, I was taking responsibility for another civil disobedience case. Although I was in prison, my heart was still with the people. I witnessed the three million-person rallies on 9 June, 16 June and 18 August on television in prison, when many peace-loving people took to the streets despite the rain and bullets, to protest against unjust laws. Some people may ask, "The Government has already suspended the legislative amendments in June and formally withdrew the bill in September, but we are still demonstrating, are we not being unreasonable?" I am sure your Honour has heard of the adage "Justice delayed is justice denied". When more than a million people took to the streets to express their discontent peacefully, the Lam administration ignored them and instead acted arbitrarily, brutally trampling on the wishes of the people of Hong Kong, resulting in endless arguments and even confrontations. After so many conflicts and painful experiences, the so-called moratorium is no longer meaningful. We only know better: without democracy, we cannot even have basic human rights!

In this case, although we did not instigate or commit acts of violence, I believe that in the eyes of the prosecution and the court, the violence on the day of the incident can still be counted against us, based on the August 18 and October 1 case. And now I must ask - If Hong Kong had a fair and just universal election, and the public could directly veto laws they did not approve of at the Legislative Council, then how could the violent clashes of 2019 have come about? If the violence we see is so heinous, how do we feel about the institutional violence that insists on the imposition of draconian laws even after millions of people have taken to the streets? If we cannot accept violent rebellion, how can we remain silent in the face of even greater and more oppressive institutional violence? The true and frequent violence is the kind of violence that ignores people's demands, that tramples on their opinions, that deprives them of their right to express themselves. People who truly hate violence and abhor it cannot accuse violent resistance on the one hand and tolerate institutional violence on the other. If I have to bear the criminal responsibility for the violence caused by the peaceful demonstration, then who should bear the criminal responsibility for the social unrest caused by failed administration?

The roots of society's problems

From a court's point of view, it may be that what happened in 2019 was just a series of social unrest, and that those who broke the law must be held personally accountable. What happened in 2019 was not something that I alone or the defendants could have made possible, and the crux of the social problem was not the 'criminals' but the 'causes of crime'. I understand the concept of " applying severe punishment to a troubled world", but if "decimation" was really the solution, there would not have been more violent rebellions in 2019 after the Mongkok "riot" in 2016 and the heavy sentences handed down to protesters by the Court of Appeal in 2017.

If we do not want social unrest, we must get to the root of the problem and implement the "five demands" step by step, so as to achieve fundamental reforms and win back the hearts of the people. 2019's anti-revision movement is indeed a continuation of 2014's Umbrella Movement, and even though the court may think that both movements are caused by a "perverse wind", I must clarify that the core of both movements is the pursuit of democracy and universal suffrage, and the people being the masters of their own house. In the District Council election on 24 November 2019, which is the closest thing to universal suffrage, nearly 3 million people voted, and the democratic camp won a huge victory, winning majority in 17 District Councils. As canaries in the monetary coal mine, we have repeatedly reminded the government to withdraw the extradition bill and fundamentally reform the system, and the march in Kowloon on 20 October was certainly an opportunity to reflect public opinion. Now, by imposing heavy penalties on us, the court is only punishing public opinion, trapping the canaries in a birdcage, or even stifling them in the palm of their hands, suffocating the freedom of expression.

The importance of persistence

As a result of the crackdown after the mass movement, we lost Apple Daily, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union, and the Civil Human Rights Front. Many of our democratic leaders and comrades who had contributed to the movement were imprisoned, and many of our friends who had been passionately involved in the movement had been forced to lay low under the threat of the National Security Law. I still believe that the faith of Hong Kong people and the glory of humanity seen in 2019 will remain unchanged. I will never forget the millions of people who braved the rain and the heat to resist tyranny and evil laws, demonstrating our unity of purpose; I will never forget the crowds of people who gave way to ambulances, demonstrating our civility; I will never forget the young people who sacrificed their lives, demonstrating our courage and bravery; I will never forget the silver-haired who took to the streets to protect the youth, demonstrating our care for each other; I will never forget the "five demands" and the 2019 District Council election, demonstrating our rationality and decency.

Your Honour, I have nothing to be ashamed of and no remorse for what I did on that day. It is my great honour to be in prison with my comrades and to be able to walk with the public after my release. If the rule of law were to lose its democratic foundation, the courts would have no choice but to accept the legal restrictions set by the autocratic regime and become a political tool to eliminate dissent at any time. As Lord Hoffmann, a non-permanent overseas judge of the Court of Final Appeal, said, civil disobedience from the conscience has a long and honourable tradition, and history will prove us right. I hope that my comrades in arms who walked with me in protests will keep their faith and live in love and truth in the midst of this difficult time.

Finally, as I did nine years ago, I would like to say something to those who oppose us, borrowing the words of American civil rights leader Reverend Martin Luther King: "We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you."

Peace be with me and my family, with Your Honour, and with the people of Hong Kong. There are no thugs, only tyranny; five demands, not one less! To god be the glory and to people be the glory!

The Fifth Defendant
Wong Ho Ming
19 August 2021

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怒りを表す英語フレーズ「Piss off」について
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怒ったり、イライラすることを表す英語表現は沢山ありますが、今回はその中でもアメリカでよく耳にする「Piss off」の用法についてちょっと言及しておこうと思います。既にご存知の方も多い表現かと思いますが、たまに相応しくない状況で使っている人をお見かけするので・・・
　
　　　
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Piss off
→ 「非常に腹を立てる / ムカつく / イライラさせる」
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このフレーズはAngryと同様、非常に怒っていることを表す場合によく用いられる日常表現です。但し、ちょっと汚い言い方なので、仲の良い人同士の会話以外での使用は避けましょう。「〜がムカついている」と言いたい場合は、怒っている本人を主語にもってきて「I'm pissed off」や「She's pissed off」のように「be動詞 + pissed off」の形で表します。「（誰々が）〜にイライラする」や「（誰々が）〜に腹を立てる」のように言いたい場合は、怒らしている原因を主語にもってきて「_____ piss(es) someone off」の形で表します。

繰り返しますが、あまり品の良い言い方ではないので、状況をよく理解したうえで使うようにしましょう。因みに、あまり親しくない間柄の人との会話やフォーマルな場では、「Piss off」の代わりに「ticked off」が使われることがアメリカでは一般的です。
　
✔「ムカつく」を意味する他の言い回しについては、過去の記事「うざい」や「ムカつく」の英語をネイティブ流に言うと？(https://hapaeikaiwa.com/?p=2090)をご覧ください。
　
＜例文＞
　　
I'm pissed off.
（私はかなりムカついています。）
　
I'm pissed off because she lied to me.
（彼女が私に嘘をついたのでムカついています。）
　
He really pisses me off.
（彼は本当にイライラする。）
　
Rude people really tick me off.
（マナーの悪い人は本当に腹が立つ。）
　
〜会話例１〜

A: Oh my goodness, The internet is so slow. It's really pissing me off.
（あ〜、ネットが遅い。マジでイラつく。）

B: Slow internet drives me crazy too. I can't stand it.
（ネットが遅いのってイライラするよね。私も耐えられない。）
　
〜会話例２〜

A: I can't believe he's late again. I'm really ticked off.
（彼また遅刻しているなんて信じられない。本当に腹が立つ。）

B: He's so irresponsible. He's supposed to be here 30 minutes ago.
（彼は本当に無責任だね。30分前に来るはずなのに。）
　
　
　
　
　
～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～
　
無料メルマガ『1日1フレーズ！生英語』配信中！
　
通勤・通学などのちょとした合間を利用して英語が学べるメルマガ『1日1フレーズ！生英語』を平日の毎朝6時に配信中！ただ単にフレーズを紹介しているだけではなく、音声を使った学習プロセスが組み込まれているので、メルマガを読むこと自体が学習方法！
　
https://hapaeikaiwa.com/mailmagazine/
　
～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～～

【吉娜單字教室】更新單字【quarantine 隔離】。quarantine 可以當名詞和動詞用，要注意慢速和快速發音的不同。快速發音時第二個音節[ə]不發音，第一個音節和第二個音節只有發音一個音節[kwɔrn]。共有四個例句，名詞與動詞的用法各兩句。歡迎訂閱我的第二個頻道【吉娜單字教室】，台灣時間每天晚上8:30更新。

quarantine
音節：qua-ran-tine
KK[ˋkwɔrən͵tin] (慢速)
KK[ˋkwɔrntin] (快速)
n. 隔離檢疫期；v. 隔離 檢疫

1. I just got out of quarantine a few days ago. I feel relieved it's over!
我幾天前剛解除隔離。我鬆了一口氣，終於結束了。

2. In quarantine, you can't have any contact with anyone. You have to be by yourself.
隔離時你不能跟任何人接觸。你必須一個人。

3. Many cities require you to quarantine when you arrive. The minimum is 14 days.
當你抵達時，很多城市要求你要隔離。最少要十四天。

4. He quarantined alone in his house when he returned from traveling. He stayed there for two weeks.
當他旅行回來時，他自己一個人隔離在家裡。他待在家裡兩個星期。

#RefaCarat #refacaratface #魚翅骨烏雞湯 #日本人的快樂哲學IkIGAI #生き甲斐

今晚11點首播, 直接對話(養生瘦面)平價魚翅骨烏雞湯、瘦臉神器Refa Carat、平價香料藥材、印尼蕃薯、日本快樂哲學。
01:54 "你是我的心上人" 改編歌詞
03:17 南北杏功效和用法
03:30 桂圓/龍眼肉功效
03:26 淮山
03:49 香茅粉用處和好處
04:08 花椒粉用處和好處
04:23 孜然粉用處和好處
04:34 沙薑粉用處和好處
04:54 川貝柑桔用處和好處
05:16 黑糖薑片用處和好處
05:20 老陳皮用處和好處
05:37 意大利黑醋、合桃白葡萄醋、洋蔥醋用處和好處
06:30 平價魚翅骨烏雞湯煮法和食療
06:46 薑黃把鯊魚骨去腥方法
08:57 瘦臉神器Refa Carat 用法和好處
09:42 跑步的好處
10:19 印尼蕃薯
10:26 日本人的快樂哲學IkIGAI

今夜11時に最初に放映されたのは、直接対話（健康で薄い麺）の安いフカヒレ骨黒鶏のスープ、薄い顔のアーティファクトRefa Carat、安いスパイスとハーブ、インドネシアのサツマイモ、日本の幸せな哲学です。
01:54 "You are my sweetheart"に合わせた歌詞
03:17北および南アプリコットの効果と使用法
03:30竜眼/竜眼肉
03:26 Hu山
03:49レモングラスパウダーの使用と利点
04:08ザンソキシラムパウダーの用途と利点
04:23クミンパウダーの使用と利点
04:34サンドジンジャーパウダーの用途と利点
04:54川北柑橘の使用と利点
05:16ブラウンシュガージンジャーの用途と利点
05:20古いChenpiの使用と利点
05:37イタリア黒酢、桃白ブドウ酢、玉ねぎ酢の使用と利点
06:30フカヒレ骨黒鶏スープ料理とダイエット
06:46ウコン脱臭サメの骨
08:57レファカラットの使用と利点
09:42ランニングの利点
10:19インドネシアのサツマイモ
10:26幸福の日本哲学/ 生き甲斐
請用片右下角調4K睇片。
http://yt1.piee.pw/L8V57
Hello大家好, 我是呀Tsar Hello, everyone. I am Tsar.

對了,你們不用問啦, 第一張相和第二張相到是我嚟的 Right! U don't have to ask. The 1st n 2nd photos are me.

第一張封面相是今年10月萬聖節之前幾日影的 The 1st cover photo was shoot a few days before Halloween this October

現在這張相是n年前影的 This photo was taken many years ago

這條影片講養生和瘦面的 This video talks about health and sliming face

還會公開我廚房的秘密武器 And reveal the secret weapon of my kitchen.

你們是否見到我是阿慳啲啦baby更加慳啲呢

冇錯啦, 我就是講下, 怎樣可以用好少錢都可以令自己養生和減肥 Right! I ’m just talking about how you can keep yourself healthy and lose weight with less money

以我這樣的年紀,並非18 22, 啲皮膚keep得都唔錯啦 At my age not 18 0r 22, my skin was keeping quite well

不是自稱什麼專家, 只是經驗分享啫 Not a self-proclaimed expert, just experience sharing

這條影片, 我會講下煲平價的魚翅骨烏雞湯 In this video, I will talk about the cheap Shark Fin Bone Chicken Soup

又會講下法國合桃醋的好處 Will talk about the benefits of French walnut vinegar

印尼蕃薯原來比日本番薯更加好食、更平 Indonesian sweet potatoes turned out to be more delicious and cheaper than Japanese sweet potatoes

還有這個瘦面神器, Refa Carat, 事不宜遲, are you ready? And this face sliming artifact, Refa Carat, are you ready?
みなさんこんにちは、私はツァーです

ところで、あなたは私に尋ねる必要はありません。最初の写真と2番目の写真は私のものです。

最初のカバー写真は、この10月のハロウィーンの数日前です

この写真はn年前に撮影されました

これは健康と無駄のない話です

そして、私の台所の秘密兵器を明らかにしてください。

私をドラの赤ちゃんと見ていますか？

間違っている、私はあなたがより少ないお金であなた自身を健康に保ち、体重を減らす方法について話しているだけです

私の年齢では、18 22ではありません

自称の専門家ではなく、共有経験のみ

このビデオでは、安いフカヒレの骨付きチキンスープについてお話します

フランスの桃酢の利点についてお話します

インドネシアのサツマイモは日本のサツマイモよりも美味しくて平らであることが判明しました

そして、この薄い顔のアーティファクト、Refa Caratは手遅れではありません。準備はいいですか？