雖然這篇violent中文鄉民發文沒有被收入到精華區:在violent中文這個話題中,我們另外找到其它相關的精選爆讚文章
在 violent中文產品中有18篇Facebook貼文,粉絲數超過37萬的網紅范琪斐的美國時間,也在其Facebook貼文中提到, 昨天的宗翰選了香港維他奶的採購主管梁健輝刺警後當場自殺。維他奶第一時間發出為該主管「不幸逝世」哀悼的內部文件,雖然馬上出來澄清,但中國網友立刻展開抵制,「維他奶滾出內地」有1.2億閱讀量,5日維他奶股價被抹去15%。不少港人到兇案現場悼念梁建輝,港府抓捕並警告會觸犯國安法。 昨天香港警方又逮捕了九...
同時也有29部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過75萬的網紅志祺七七 X 圖文不符,也在其Youtube影片中提到,✔︎ 成為七七會員(幫助我們繼續日更,並享有會員專屬福利):https://bit.ly/3eYdLKp ✔︎ 訂閱志祺七七頻道: http://bit.ly/shasha77_subscribe ✔︎ 追蹤志祺IG :https://www.instagram.com/shasha77.daily...
「violent中文」的推薦目錄
- 關於violent中文 在 康妮英文ConniedaEnglish Instagram 的最佳解答
- 關於violent中文 在 Blaire Chen Instagram 的最讚貼文
- 關於violent中文 在 REPOS SELECT STORE Instagram 的精選貼文
- 關於violent中文 在 范琪斐的美國時間 Facebook 的最佳解答
- 關於violent中文 在 文茜的世界周報 Sisy's World News Facebook 的最讚貼文
- 關於violent中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最讚貼文
- 關於violent中文 在 志祺七七 X 圖文不符 Youtube 的最佳貼文
- 關於violent中文 在 Cyber Editing Youtube 的精選貼文
- 關於violent中文 在 Laowu老吳 Youtube 的最讚貼文
violent中文 在 康妮英文ConniedaEnglish Instagram 的最佳解答
2021-02-03 19:01:02
《一次搞懂will, can.... 的用法》 🐨 覺得實用的話, 別忘了按讚+收藏喔↗️ P.S. 文末有免費進群問英文問題&講義領取的辦法🙌🏻 📢你知道嗎? 善用這些(情態)助動詞 可以幫助把你的文章邏輯, 觀點更清晰的表達出來喔 🔅will (aka威爾) 很多人喜歡把威爾掛在嘴邊, 但別...
violent中文 在 Blaire Chen Instagram 的最讚貼文
2020-06-15 12:09:28
#個人心情抒發 #文長 Such a trying time in the world with so many issues that are constantly ignored by millions everyday and yet so many people are hiding beh...
violent中文 在 REPOS SELECT STORE Instagram 的精選貼文
2020-07-09 18:35:28
_ INCODER // REPOS SELECT STORE. _ [INTO THE MATRIX] Wake up, INCODER... . “Keep quiet...it's dangerous to tell the truth” . "Chilling effect" in Mand...
-
violent中文 在 志祺七七 X 圖文不符 Youtube 的最佳貼文
2020-08-03 19:00:11✔︎ 成為七七會員(幫助我們繼續日更,並享有會員專屬福利):https://bit.ly/3eYdLKp
✔︎ 訂閱志祺七七頻道: http://bit.ly/shasha77_subscribe
✔︎ 追蹤志祺IG :https://www.instagram.com/shasha77.daily
✔︎ 來看志祺七七粉專 :http://bit.ly/shasha77_fb
✔︎ 如果不便加入會員,也可從這裡贊助我們:https://bit.ly/support-shasha77
(請記得在贊助頁面留下您的email,以便我們寄送發票。若遇到金流問題,麻煩請聯繫:service@simpleinfo.cc)
#Karen #叫你經理出來講 #meme
各節重點:
00:00 前導
02:11 討人厭的 Karen 的誕生
03:11 Karen 正式具象化
04:20 為什麼 Karen會這麼討人厭?
06:12 2020年 Karen 大爆發
08:03 Karen 迷因的爭議
08:58 支持 Karen 迷因的觀點
09:50 我們的觀點
【 製作團隊 】
|企劃:力寧
|腳本:力寧、土龍
|編輯:土龍
|剪輯後製:Pookie
|剪輯助理:歆雅、范范
|演出:志祺
——
【 本集參考資料 】
→「叫你們經理出來!」網路迷因凱倫是怎麼出現的?:https://bit.ly/2WYNSU7
→BBQ Becky: Woman Photoshopped into black history after barbecue complaint:https://bbc.in/32ZJ2tK
→Can I Speak to Your Manager?: The Beauty & Necessity of A Notorious Haircut:https://bit.ly/3hJ5iMI
→Karen: The anti-vaxxer soccer mom with speak-to-the-manager hair, explained:https://bit.ly/2X1H1cy
→How ‘Karen’ Became a Coronavirus Villain :https://bit.ly/336RmYV
→How the 'Karen Meme' Confronts the Violent History of White Womanhood:https://bit.ly/2X2gfkw
→How Karen became a meme, and what real-life Karens think about it:https://cnn.it/3g4GKx6
→The ‘Karen’ memes and jokes aren’t sexist or racist. Let a Karen explain.:https://wapo.st/3jNkpGA
→Fuck You Karen - reddit:https://bit.ly/39yVQbK
→Miss Ann – Wikipedia:https://bit.ly/2Df8aBL
→Becky (slang) – Wikipedia:https://bit.ly/2X1otJH
→What's In A 'Karen'? - Code Switch by NPR:https://n.pr/3jM7eWw
→The Karen - Decoder Ring by Slate:https://bit.ly/3f2wnc1
→Gen Z Is Calling Gen X The ""Karen Generation"":https://bit.ly/3jF47zw
→女子被要求遛狗要繫牽繩,竟報警謊稱有黑人威脅要對他不利 (中文字幕):https://bit.ly/2P7yhxb
→George Floyd, Minneapolis Protests, Ahmaud Arbery & Amy Cooper | The Daily Social Distancing Show:https://bit.ly/3jOAPym
→中央公園裡的一場小摩擦如何震動了全美國:https://nyti.ms/30TyI3N
→質疑菲裔鄰居「不住在自己家」 白人女CEO滿嘴禮貌...歧視臉孔卻超噁:https://bit.ly/2EtCWrz
→屢有白人種族歧視亂報警 加州提《CAREN法案》遏止:https://bit.ly/3f5izxe
【 延伸閱讀 】
→法國人的「凱文情結」 名字取什麼很重要:https://bit.ly/3g5Ufgf
→名字不夠「白」 英國盲選政策打擊就業歧視:https://bit.ly/2X2gJau
→AirBnB涉種族歧視:黑人租房難:https://bbc.in/307sYo6
→姓名遭歧視被拒念 非裔女用「白人菜市場名」反擊半年:https://bit.ly/3f5K0Hl
→Employers' Replies to Racial Names:https://bit.ly/2DdHcdM
\每週7天,每天7點,每次7分鐘,和我們一起了解更多有趣的生活議題吧!/
🥁七七仔們如果想寄東西關懷七七團隊與志祺,傳送門如下:
106台北市大安區羅斯福路二段111號8樓
🟢如有業務需求,請洽:hi77@simpleinfo.cc
🔴如果影片內容有誤,歡迎來信勘誤:hey77@simpleinfo.cc -
violent中文 在 Cyber Editing Youtube 的精選貼文
2020-02-09 00:14:21#how do I #cyberediting #crash
NO SERIOUS INJURIES...
Both rider and passenger were able to walk.
The riders went to hospital for a check up anyway.
I don't think this couple will be together after this.
That's why the music is called "You can forget about me"
Chinese Analysis is in the first pinned comment.
沒有骨折或嚴重受傷的情況...
但是車手們還是去醫院做了檢查。
我認為這對夫婦以後不會在一起。
這就是為什麼音樂被稱為“你可以忘記我”
中文分析是第一個固定的評論。
BGM = https://soundcloud.com/cyberediting/forget-about-me
This video is designed to inform and educate about safe vs. unsafe riding techniques & practices.
It does not promote dangerous or violent acts.
It educates other riders to avoid similar mistakes.
I will reply to comments in your own language.
我會用你自己的語言回複評論。
Saya akan membalas komentar dalam bahasa Anda sendiri.
FOLLOW ME:
Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/cyberediting/
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/CyberEditing
email: cyberediting@yahoo.com -
violent中文 在 Laowu老吳 Youtube 的最讚貼文
2016-08-06 20:00:00Batman: The Telltale Series enter the fractured psyche of Bruce Wayne and discover the powerful and far-reaching consequences of your choices as the Dark Knight. In this gritty and violent new story from the award-winning creators of The Walking Dead – A Telltale Games Series, you'll make discoveries that will shatter Bruce Wayne's world...
《蝙蝠侠》中文版是由Telltale Games制作并发行的一款冒险游戏,游戏探索布鲁斯韦恩与蝙蝠侠身份的影响,可选择作为蝙蝠侠解决问题还是作为布鲁斯韦恩解决问题。游戏聚焦布鲁斯韦恩与蝙蝠侠,但蝙蝠家族不参战...
LIKE & SHARE 如果你喜歡這個影片哦;D
關注我的頻道別錯過任何更新 : http://goo.gl/3TVkJT
關注老吳Facebook個人帳號 : http://goo.gl/c0a2DW
其他試玩影片清單: http://goo.gl/HQ51D4
violent中文 在 范琪斐的美國時間 Facebook 的最佳解答
昨天的<斐姨所思>宗翰選了香港維他奶的採購主管梁健輝刺警後當場自殺。維他奶第一時間發出為該主管「不幸逝世」哀悼的內部文件,雖然馬上出來澄清,但中國網友立刻展開抵制,「維他奶滾出內地」有1.2億閱讀量,5日維他奶股價被抹去15%。不少港人到兇案現場悼念梁建輝,港府抓捕並警告會觸犯國安法。
昨天香港警方又逮捕了九個人,其中六個只有十幾歲,說他們在密謀要做炸彈。
討論的時候,可心說,一位教授曾經跟她說,香港的經歷,在台灣有很多人很同情,但聲援僅止於口頭上的,我們現在能做的,應該是想辦法儘量把香港目前經歷的事,紀錄下來,因為只有台灣可以幫香港做這個事了。
我想到紐時去專訪了香港中文大學的教授周保松,他以前常常在課堂上鼓勵學生做公民參與。2012年,他跟來自中國大陸、香港和台灣的大學生合影時開玩笑說,希望10年後他們當中沒有人坐牢。結果現在周保松沒事就要去探監。他對紐時說,香港承受了太多的不公正,讓這座城市越來越陌生。「整個城市的核心價值觀已經崩潰。
我想這核心價值指的是, 民主,自由,法治,人權,平等,公義.....沒有了這些,我活下去的動力是什麼?
我可以理解,現在很多香港人的極端沮喪與無力感,或是進一步認定和平示威的手段是沒有用的。
真的沒有用嗎?
我去搜了一圈,結果發現學界的主流的說法,並不是如此。
哈佛的學者Erica Chenoweth,本來堅信和平示威沒有用,暴力手段較有效的假設,為了證明她的想法,她搜集了從1900-2006年間,323個推翻政府的成功的案例,用近160個不同的標準來檢視,結果是和平示威遠遠較暴力手段有效。
她並歸納出四個原因:
1。和平示威才能讓更多不同背景的人來參與,支持的基礎才能越長越大。
2。將負責維持安全的軍警拉進來是必要的。因為他們是政府壓制人民最重要的工具。其他的菁英像是商界或媒體,他們通常傾向支持維持現狀,唯有和平手段才能爭取到這些人的支持。一旦拿到,就是game changer。
3。運動不能只有示威。它必需以各種不同的方式來進行。
4。當運動受到壓制的時候,這是常常會發生的狀況,如果抗爭者將自己武裝,這其實是幫了政府的忙,因為它就有更多理由來更強力壓制,此時運動就可能會完全瓦解。
我知道這些案例有點久。很多人會說,現在的極權政府,有科技的幫忙,比以前更難推翻。我希望也許過幾年,我們會有更多的研究。
每個星期二,我都非常期待這個聊天會。疫情期間太少機會跟人聊天了。為了做斐姨所思,我可以看看年輕夥伴們都在想些什麼,過得好不好。每個星期會邀一位朋友來跟我們聊天。昨天邀來的瞿志豪董事長,就讓我對台灣的生技醫藥產業目前的狀況,一下子了解很多,對目前或以後台灣的國產疫苗應有多少期待,有更多的理解。我必需要說,我本來很多憤怒,因為了解而降低了很多。
斐姨所思是每周二730pm在YT跟FB一起直播.也有podcast噢!
https://youtu.be/_pqwwp1hKtw
https://news.harvard.edu/gazette/story/2019/02/why-nonviolent-resistance-beats-violent-force-in-effecting-social-political-change/
violent中文 在 文茜的世界周報 Sisy's World News Facebook 的最讚貼文
《美國抗爭白人警察暴力執勤事件,野火燎原,抗爭者在紐約包圍川普大樓》
抗議群眾在美國各大城市包括洛杉磯、亞特蘭大、芝加哥蔓延。
明尼蘇達即將進入第五個騷動的夜晚。市長表示此抗議的激烈方式,已經超越了白人警察執法過當的合法界線。George Floyd death: Minnesota governor decries violent protests https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-us-canada-52863506
* Thousands of demonstrators protesting the death of George Floyd took to the streets of New York City for a third day on Saturday, blocking traffic, setting fire to police vehicles and scuffling with officers at simultaneous marches that raged through all five boroughs and briefly stopped outside of Trump Tower in Midtown Manhattan.
* In a third day of demonstrations, protesters also blocked the West Side Highway and scuffled with the police in Brooklyn.
* Standoffs intensified across the country on Saturday. In Minneapolis, officials were anticipating a fifth night of unrest.
* As protests escalated, mayors ordered people off the streets in some of America’s largest cities, including Los Angeles, Chicago, Atlanta, Miami and Philadelphia.
https://www.nytimes.com/…/n…/protests-nyc-george-floyd.html…
BBC中文網整理美國過去種族衝突史:https://www.bbc.com/zhongwen/trad/world-52861331…
violent中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最讚貼文
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw