[時事英文] 美國阿札爾部長的「Tsai總統」發音！

Is this whole discussion really about diplomatic courtesy and English pronunciation, or is it just another ploy to attract media attention?

這些「發音的討論」是基於外交禮節、英文的發音亦或只是獲得媒體關注的手段？

Probably all three? A better way to improve public image might be to invest more in community service, connect with the constituency, and cultivate new talents.

1. diplomatic courtesy 外交禮節
2. ploy 計謀、策略、手段
3. lift public image 提升形象
4. community service 社區服務
5. constituency 選區；選區的選民
6. new talents 新秀

也許以上皆是? 提升公眾形象更好的途徑可以是透過投入社區服務、增加與選民的互動以及培養有潛力的新秀。

Focus on issues that count, not make petty arguments.

★★★★★★★★★★★★

HHS Secretary Alex Azar Statement on Meeting with President Tsai Ing-wen (As Prepared for Delivery)

Thank you, President Tsai [ts-eye], for welcoming me to Taiwan today. It is a true honor to be here to convey a message of strong support and friendship from President Trump to Taiwan.

I would like to congratulate President Tsai on beginning her second term earlier this year. As Secretary Pompeo said in marking her inauguration in May, President Tsai’s courage and vision in leading Taiwan’s vibrant democracy are an inspiration to the region and the world.

7. convey a message of… 傳遞...的訊息
8. Secretary 國務卿
9. inauguration 就職
10. a vibrant democracy 有活力的民主
11. an inspiration to… 為…的表率

美國衛生部部長阿薩爾與蔡總統會面致詞稿

謝謝蔡總統今天歡迎我到訪台灣，能夠在這裡傳達川普總統對
台灣的強力支持和友誼是我誠摯的榮幸。我要祝賀蔡總統在今年初展開第二任期。正如國務卿蓬佩奧就蔡總統五月份就職典禮所發表的聲明所說，蔡總統帶領活力民主台灣的勇氣和願景，堪稱印太地區及全世界的表率。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

I also want to offer my condolences to everyone in Taiwan on the loss of your former President Lee Teng-hui, the father of Taiwan’s democracy and one of the great leaders of the 20th century’s movement toward democracy.

12. offer condolences 表達哀悼之情
13. the father of Taiwan’s democracy 台灣民主之父
14. movement 運動

我也想對前總統李登輝的逝世，向台灣人民表達哀悼之意。李前總統是台灣民主之父，也是二十世紀民主運動的偉大領袖。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Under President Trump, the United States has expressed our admiration for Taiwan’s democratic success in tangible ways. President Trump has signed legislation to strengthen the partnership between Taiwan and the United States, and in 2018, we opened a new American Institute in Taiwan, a brick-and-mortar commitment to our treasured friendship.

15. in a tangible way 切實地; 以確實的方式*
16. sign (v.) legislation to 簽署法案
17. partnership 夥伴關係
18. a brick-to-mortar commitment 堅定的承諾 (brick and mortar 指實體房屋，這裡指如磚牆般堅固的承諾)

在川普總統的領導下，美國對台灣的成功民主制度表示讚賞。川普總統也簽署了相關法案，強化美台的夥伴關係。2018年，我們啟用了美國在台協會新館，象徵著美國對美台友誼的珍視及堅定承諾。

*tangible: https://bit.ly/3fQPPZs

★★★★★★★★★★★★

The particular focus of both my discussion with President Tsai and of our trip is highlighting Taiwan’s success on health, in combating COVID-19, and cooperating with the United States to prevent, detect, and respond to health threats.

19. the focus of... ...的焦點
20. highlight one’s success on… 強調在…的成功(這裡指台灣的防疫的成就)
21. cooperate with 與…的合作
22. detect (v.) 發現、察覺
23. health threats 健康的威脅(這裡指疫情)

我與蔡總統的對談以及本次訪台的重點在於，強調台灣在公共衛生及對抗新冠病毒疫情的卓越成就，以及台灣與美國在預防、發現及應對疫情上的通力合作。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Taiwan’s response to COVID-19 has been among the most successful in the world, and that is a tribute to the open, transparent, democratic nature of Taiwan’s society and culture. Taiwan had tremendous success in detecting COVID-19, managing the outbreak, and sharing this valuable information with other nations. Taiwan’s success in health and industry has allowed it to extend a helping hand to others, sending needed supplies around the world, including to the United States and Pacific Island nations.

24. be a tribute to sth/sb 是（優秀、強大或有效性）的明證
25. transparent 透明的
26. tremendous success 巨大的成功
27. manage outbreak控制(疫情的)爆發
28. extend a helping hand to others 向他人伸出援手

台灣的防疫措施可謂世界上數一數二的成功典範，而這都歸因於台灣社會及文化的開放、透明和民主。台灣在發現新冠病毒、控制疫情，以及與其他國家分享寶貴資訊上都取得非凡的成果。台灣的公衛專業和產業實力也得以協助他人，提供美國和太平洋島國等世界各國夥伴所需的物資。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Again, I am grateful to President Tsai for welcoming us to Taiwan and I look forward to using this visit to convey our admiration for Taiwan and to learn about how our shared democratic values have driven success in health.

29. convey(v.) admiration 表達欽佩
30. shared democratic values 共享民主價值
31. have driven success in… 帶動…領域的成功

我要再次感謝蔡總統的熱情歡迎，我也期待藉此訪問傳達美國對台灣的欽佩之意，並了解我們的共享民主價值如何帶動公共衛生領域的成功。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

AIT 中英文演講稿：
https://bit.ly/3kzKCcg (英文)
https://bit.ly/3gNAjPg (中文)

圖片出處： https://bit.ly/3fHD8Ac

完整影片: https://youtu.be/unB8N5d2Fm4

★★★★★★★★★★★★

時事英文講義：https://bit.ly/2XmRYXc

時事英文大全：http://bit.ly/2WtAqop

讓我們聚焦於有意義的議題，免去枝微末節。

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

【聯合聲明：強烈讉責醫管局向警方洩漏病人私隱】
　
今日下午，醫學界立法會議員陳沛然醫生召開記者會，展示證據，揭發醫管局內電腦系列內設有「後門」，令任何人可在毋須登入下取得病人資料。系統當中更有列明「For Police」，專為警方而設的版面，當中載有英文全名、身份證號碼、年齡、性別、電話號碼、出入院時間及住院病房等病人資料，更有標籤將部份病人分類至「立法會外大型集會」人士。陳議員亦取得醫管局內部通訊電郵，要求員工於電腦系統內標籤參加「立法會外大型集會」的求醫人士。
　
我等一眾醫學生組織，謹此對醫管局洩漏病人私隱一事予以強烈讉責。醫學院教導同學，維護病人私隱為最重要的醫學倫理之一，更時常強調醫患關系乃醫療工作之基石。今日，醫管局管理全港公立醫院，卻在無任何臨床需要及未得病人同意下將病人私隱拱手交予警方，違背專業道德。上周起，因應警方進入醫院拘捕傷者，已有不少市民對醫護失去信心，甚至有市民因此避免到醫院求醫。為挽回事件對醫患關係的破壞，醫管局必須盡速公開向廣大市民及受影響病人致歉、交待事件，並修補漏洞。同時，個人資料私隱專員公署亦應介入調查，保障市民權益。
　
青醫匡時　香港大學醫學生時政組織
香港大學學生會醫學會
香港大學學生會醫學會護理學會
香港中文大學學生會醫學院院會
香港中文大學那打素護理學院院會
香港中文大學教務會民選學生成員（醫學院）
　
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【Joint Statement of Condemnation towards the Hospital Authority for Exposing Patient Information to the Police Force】
　
In a press conference held this afternoon, Dr Hon Pierre Chan, member of the Legislative Council for the Medical functional constituency, showcased evidence of a “backdoor” in the Hospital Authority’s electronic patient record (ePR) system that grants anyone access to patient information without the need of logging in. The interface is remarked with “For Police”, and exposes information including patients’ full name, HK Identity Card number, age, sex, phone number, admission time and ward, with indication of whether they have participated in the “mass gathering outside Legco”. Dr Hon Chan has also acquired an earlier email circulating in the Hospital Authority intranet showing frontline healthcare staff being requested to identify and label patients who have participated in the “mass gathering outside Legco”.
　
We, as medical students from the University of Hong Kong and The Chinese University of Hong Kong, hereby strongly condemn the Hospital Authority for infringing upon patients’ privacy. “Confidentiality” is one of the four pillars of medical ethics, and is the cornerstone of the doctor-patient relationship. As the largest public healthcare provider in Hong Kong, the Hospital Authority has violated the medical code of conduct by exposing patients’ information to the police without patient consent nor clinical necessity. Since last week, the police have been arresting injured protesters receiving medical care within Hospital Authority premises, sabotaging doctor-patient trust and deterring citizens from seeking medical attention in public hospitals.
　
The Hospital Authority must apologise to all affected citizens in Hong Kong, conduct a formal inquiry into the incident and block the backdoor immediately. We also call for investigatory action from the Office of the Privacy Commissioner for Personal Data of Hong Kong to protect citizens’ rights to privacy.
　
Eramedics, HKU Medical Students' Current Affairs Concern Group
Medical Society, HKUSU
Nursing Society, Medical Society, HKUSU
Medical Society, CUSU
Nursing Society, the Nethersole School of Nursing, CUSU
Elected Student Senator (Faculty of Medicine), CUHK