#上次搬家後你辦了派對嗎！​🎉
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夏天常常是大家的喬遷旺季，雖然很累，但搬新家就象徵著新的開始！所以當然也要跟親朋好友好好地開一場 « une pendaison de crémaillère. »「喬遷派對」散播歡樂分享愛！​
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« La pendaison de crémaillère » 是在搬到新家之後，我們會舉辦的派對。一般來說，派對參加者也就是來幫忙搬家的人，所以這個派對也同時是為了感謝他們！​
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« La pendaison de crémaillère » 中文的直翻叫做「懸掛鐵鉤子」，為什麼聽起來那麼怪呢？​
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因為這項請幫忙搬家的人吃飯的傳統，是由中世紀一直流傳到現在的！« crémaillère » 是中古世紀用壁爐柴火煮飯時，將鍋子吊掛起來的鐵鉤子。而當時搬新家時，這項工具都是最晚進家門的。於是將它掛上去，就象徵著搬家大功告成囉！​
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那至於派對的禮物呢？大致上分為兩種：第一種是屋主準備禮物給來幫的親朋好友，以此感謝他們。第二種則是親朋好友們準備給屋主，搬到新家後可能會用到的東西，來幫助他更快適應新生活。​
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以法國來說，大家送的禮物當然是千奇百怪，不過大原則還是會送一些對房子有用的工具、裝飾用品，或者是喬遷派對中吃的食物！​
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如果朋友剛搬新家，你們送過什麼趣味的禮物，恭喜他的「喬遷之喜」呢？！或是，你有收過什麼荒謬的禮物？！歡迎在下面分享！​
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💡« s’ennuyer comme un rat mort ​ » 「跟死老鼠一樣無聊」。開趴一定有風險，舉辦派對有嗨有乾。喬遷派對也一樣，有很無聊的風險。在法文，其實有很多俚語可以形容很無聊，但這絕對是最佷有畫面感的敘述之一！無聊得像一隻孤拎拎死在閣樓上，被遺忘眾人的老鼠，所以當我們很無聊的時候，就可以用這個俚語！​
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L’été, c’est souvent la saison durant laquelle les gens cherchent un nouveau logement. Pas toujours facile mais, quand on y arrive, cela peut être le signe d’un nouveau départ. C’est donc souvent un événement qu’on a envie de partager au maximum avec ses proches et cela se fait à travers ce qu’on appelle en français « une pendaison de crémaillère ». Vous savez ce que c’est ?​
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La pendaison de crémaillère est un repas suivi d’une fête que l’on organise pour célébrer la fin de l'emménagement dans un nouvel appartement. Généralement, les personnes invitées sont les mêmes qui ont participé au déménagement et cela est donc pour les remercier. ​
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D’où vient cette tradition ? Elle vient du Moyen- ge. Lorsque les habitants emménageaient, on invitait ceux qui avaient aidé pour manger. Puisque la dernière chose que l’on rentrait était la crémaillère (un outil pour rapprocher du feu la marmite, ou l’en éloigner), on a commencé à appeler ça « une pendaison de crémaillère » ​ puisque celle-ci est pendue.​
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Et les cadeaux dans tout ça ? Il y a deux types de personnes et d’habitudes. Certaines personnes, en étant l’hôte, offrent des cadeaux aux invités pour les remercier de leur aide tandis que pour d’autres, ce sont les invités qui offrent des cadeaux à l’hôte pour l’aider à s’installer. ​
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En France, les cadeaux varient mais ils sont souvent des choses utiles pour la maison, des décorations ou de la nourriture pour la soirée qui suit. ​
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Et vous, qu’offririez-vous à votre ami qui vient d'emménager dans son nouvel appartement ? ​
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« S’ennuyer comme un rat mort ». Comme toutes les fêtes et soirées, la pendaison de crémaillère peut être ennuyeuse. Dans ce cas là, on a plusieurs expressions pour exprimer ce sentiment, dont “s’ennuyer comme un rat mort”. Cette expression est très imagée est met en scène un rat mort dans un grenier et oublié de tous. On utilise donc cette expression quand on s’ennuie beaucoup. ​
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Exemple : Cette soirée était tellement nulle. Je me suis ennuyé comme un rat mort.​
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#法文邂逅​
#情境法文​
#搬家時你會辦派對嗎！？​
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🇫🇷🎉【每週一杰課|中高階線上】2小時，主題閱讀口說課！升級你的法語表達力！透過多元諧趣的文化主題，深入淺出「聊」出好法文！​
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🥂週一晚上為杰宇特別場🎉​
👉https://bonjouratous.com/high-level-french-trial-class/

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

Karmapa on compassion大寶法王開示慈悲 1/2
( PLEASE SHARE 請分享)

2015/11/14
His Holiness the 17th Gyalwa Karmapa shares a teaching on compassion. Compassion is one of the fundamental teachings of Buddhism, about which Karmapa often speaks.
聖陛下第十七世嘉華噶瑪巴大寶法王分享了一個關於慈悲心的教導。慈悲心是佛教的基本教義之一，噶瑪巴經常提到這些教義。

“Compassion is our inherent nature and a quality of our minds. It simultaneously aims towards the true happiness that is inherent in all of us and it wishes to end confusion for everyone, thus enabling a correct understanding about the world and its beings. Through a very natural outflow of compassion, we give substantial meaning to life.
“慈悲心是我們內在的本質和我們心識的品質。它引導我們得到與生俱來的真正幸福，同時它也希望結束每個人的困惑，從而能夠正確理解世界及其眾生。通過一種非常自然的慈悲心的流露，我們為生命賦予了真實的意義。

Since this quality of compassion is inherent, we don’t have to look anywhere else to find it. Wherever there is a consciousness, there is a seed of compassion. It is the same for wisdom. Wherever there is a consciousness, there is a seed of wisdom, too. Compassion is inseparable from wisdom.
由於慈悲心的本質是固有的，我們不需要去其他地方尋找。只要有意識，便會有慈悲心的種子。智慧也是一樣。只要有意識，便會有智慧的種子。慈悲心與智慧是分不開的。

The free flowing expression and quality of compassion is so important, for without it we will not be able to live our lives fully. Without it we will only be able to experience a fragile, conditioned peace. It is due to compassion resulting in true understanding that we can find unconditioned peace and happiness, and ultimately liberation.
自然流動地表達慈悲心和其品質是非常重要的，因為沒有它，我們將無法完全充實地過活。沒有它，我們只能經歷一個脆弱的，有條件的平和。這是由於慈悲心導致真正的理解到我們可以找到無條件的平和與幸福，並最終達至證悟。

To approach this, the Buddha taught us to cultivate more compassion in ourselves, towards each other and the world by recognizing that the aspiration and motivation to want happiness (and not want unhappiness) is deeply rooted in all of us. If we use this understanding to connect with each other, we could create the basis to develop and cultivate what is most essential in our lives: compassion.
為了解決這個問題，佛陀教導我們長養更多對自己，對彼此和世界的慈悲心，做法是通過認識到發願和渴望得到幸福的動機（而不要不快樂）深深紮根於所有人之中。如果我們利用這種理解來相互聯繫，便可以發展和培養生活中最重要的要素：慈悲心

By sowing seeds of compassionate understanding as each moment passes, we are able to overcome various kinds of confusion without much struggle. Obstacles are easily avoided and we advance safely along the path of virtue, making great use of this precious and fragile human existence. For example, in the midst of obstacles, by focusing on our innermost wishes, this will help us to overcome arising mental and physical challenges.
每一刻通過慈悲地理解的種子，我們能夠不大費勁地克服各種困惑。我們能夠容易地避免障礙和沿著善行的道路安全地前進，而且充分利用這個珍貴而脆弱的人生。例如，在障礙中，通過專注於我們最深切的祈願，這將有助於我們克服身心方面的挑戰。

We should remind ourselves that this cultivation of compassion can be achieved without much hard work. We can cultivate compassion while sitting, walking, or even sleeping. By applying ourselves in this way, we can utilise every spare moment to cultivate compassion, even within this limited physical world.
我們應該提醒自己，可以在日常輕鬆的情況下長養慈悲心。我們可以在坐著，走路，甚至睡覺時長養慈悲心。通過這種方式，即使在這個有限的物理世界中，我們也可以利用每一個空餘時間長養慈悲心。

（英文原文及圖片來源：http://www.karmapa.org/on-compassion/
（中文翻譯由本FB翻譯小組負責。若有錯漏，請見諒。節錄或載列文章內容以原文為準。）