川普臉書帳號被停權？
週五晚上，來和 Sonny老師的翻譯&教學札記 一起讀報

以下為 Sonny 老師第一視角

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昨晚讀 CNN Newsletters 時
讀到一段用字精準、簡潔有力的報導
來帶大家一起閱讀

標題：Facebook faces a huge decision today

1️⃣ The Facebook Oversight Board will announce its long-anticipated decision on the fate of former President Trump's Facebook account at 9 a.m. ET today.
（臉書獨立監察團今天將在美國東岸時間 9:00 ，宣布前總統川普臉書帳號的命運，這是個大眾矚目許久的決議。）
👉 oversight 有「監察、督導」之意，動詞是 oversee
👉 announce 宣布，常見的搭配還有 make an announcement（發表聲明）
👉 long-anticipated 等待許久的，英文新聞中常使用「複合形容詞」，閱讀起來更生動傳神

2️⃣ Trump’s Facebook and Instagram accounts were suspended indefinitely a day after the Capitol riot in January. (YouTube and Twitter made similar moves.)
（今年一月國會大廈暴動的隔天，川普的臉書和 IG 帳號即被無限期停用。YouTube 和 Twitter 也有類似的動作。）
👉 suspend 是非常值得學習的動詞，有「停權；暫緩；懸掛」等字義
👉 indefinitely 可指「無限期的」或「含糊的」
👉 make similar moves 是簡潔有力的說法，很適合用在寫作上

3️⃣ The decision on Trump’s Facebook account is so contentious and historic, Facebook itself isn’t doing the deliberating. The oversight board is an independent body described as a kind of Supreme Court for the social network.
（針對川普臉書帳號的決議事關重大且爭議性高，生殺大權並不在臉書手上。獨立監察團是個被稱為「社群網路的最高法院」的獨立單位。）
👉 contentious and historic 兩個形容詞互不重複，是很棒的連用
👉 deliberate 指「審慎考慮」；isn’t doing the deliberating 是很美式的說法
👉 social network 指「社群網路」；social media 則是「社群媒體」

4️⃣ Its decision today will set extremely important precedents for content moderation that could ripple through the social media -- and political -- worlds.
（監察團今日的決定將成為內容審查的重要判例，影響可能擴及社群媒體及政界。）
👉 precedent (n.) 先例；判例/ unprecedented (adj.) 史無前例的
👉 content moderation 內容審查；言論仲裁
👉 ripple 當名詞時指「漣漪」，當動詞引申為「漾起漣漪；造成影響」

獨立監察團的最後決議為：
繼續停權川普帳號，但要求臉書在 6 個月內提出「扣合其社群平台規則的處置方式」。

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總是覺得自己語用力不足
每次寫英文都找不到適合的詞句嗎？
加入 Sonny 老師耗時一年開發
凝練多年教學精華的英文寫作課
https://hahow.in/cr/sonny-eng-writing1

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

【義大利醫療崩潰】Silvia Stringhini是一個瑞士的社會和生物流行病學專家，研究社會不平等的生物學後果。生活在世界各地。

他張貼了一篇位於義大利貝爾加莫的醫生Daniele Macchini自述英文翻譯，透過當地醫生第一手的目擊資料，讓我們可以了解醫療崩潰的災難現場是什麼樣的情況。

https://twitter.com/silviast9/status/1236933818654896129

I may be repeating myself, but I want to fight this sense of security that I see outside of the epicenters, as if nothing was going to happen "here". The media in Europe are reassuring, politicians are reassuring, while there's little to be reassured of. #COVID19

我可能是在自言自語，但是我想要對抗我身處風暴中心之外看到的這種安全感，就好像「這裏」什麼都沒有發生一樣。歐洲的媒體在安撫人心，政客們在安撫人心，儘管沒有什麼可以讓人安心的。#COVID19

This is the English translation of a post of another ICU physician in Bergamo, Dr. Daniele Macchini. Read until the end. After much thought about whether and what to write about what is happening to us, I felt that silence was not responsible.

這是貝爾加莫的另一位ICU醫生Daniele Macchini的文章英文翻譯。讀到最後在深思是否該寫些什麼以及該寫些什麼發生在我們身上之後，我覺得沉默是不負責任的。

I will therefore try to convey to people far from our reality what we are living in Bergamo in these days of Covid-19 pandemic. I understand the need not to create panic, but when the message of the dangerousness of what is happening does not reach people I shudder.

因此，我將設法向遠離我們面臨的現實的人們傳達我們在這些Covid-19大流行的日子裏在貝爾加莫所生活的情況。我明白不需要製造恐慌，但當事情的危險性沒有傳達給人們時，我會不寒而慄。

I myself watched with some amazement the reorganization of the entire hospital in the past week, when our current enemy was still in the shadows: the wards slowly "emptied", elective activitieswere interrupted, intensive care were freed up to create as many beds as possible.

過去一週，當我們當前的敵人還在暗處的時候，我自己有些驚愕地看到了整個醫院的重組:病房慢慢地“清空”，可選擇性的活動被中斷，重症監護被解放出來，以創造儘可能多的床位。

All this rapid transformation brought an atmosphere of silence and surreal emptiness to the corridors of the hospital that we did not yet understand, waiting for a war that was yet to begin and that many (including me) were not so sure would ever come with such ferocity.

所有這些迅速的轉變給醫院的走廊帶來了一種我們還不瞭解的寂靜和超現實的空虛氣氛，等待着一場即將開始的戰爭，而許多人(包括我在內)都不確定戰爭是否會如此兇猛地到來。

I still remember my night call a week ago when I was waiting for the results of a swab. When I think about it, my anxiety over one possible case seems almost ridiculous and unjustified, now that I've seen what's happening. Well, the situation now is dramatic to say the least.

我還記得一週前我在等棉籤化驗結果時的夜間電話。當我想到這件事的時候，我對一件可能發生的病例的焦慮幾乎是荒謬和不合理的，但現在我已經看清發生了什麼事。至少可以這麼說，現在的形勢是急轉直下的。

The war has literally exploded and battles are uninterrupted day and night. But now that need for beds has arrived in all its drama. One after the other the departments that had been emptied fill up at an impressive pace.

戰爭確實爆發了，戰鬥不分晝夜地進行着。但現在，對床位的需求出現了戲劇性的變化。一個接一個被清空的科室以驚人的速度被填滿。

The boards with the names of the patients, of different colours depending on the operating unit, are now all red and instead of surgery you see the diagnosis, which is always the damned same: bilateral interstitial pneumonia.

寫着病人名字的板子，不同顏色的板子取決於作業單位，現在都是紅色的，你看到的診斷結果，總是該死的一樣:雙側間質性肺炎。

Now, explain to me which flu virus causes such a rapid drama. [post continues comparing covid19 to flu, link below]. And while there are still people who boast of not being afraid by ignoring directions, protesting because their normal routine is"temporarily" put in crisis,

現在，給我解釋一下是哪種流感病毒導致了這樣一場突如其來的大戲。[後繼續比較covid19與流感，鏈接如下]。儘管仍有一些人不顧指示，吹噓自己不害怕，但他們會抗議，因爲他們的正常生活“暫時”陷入危機，

the epidemiological disaster is taking place. And there are no more surgeons, urologists, orthopedists, we are only doctors who suddenly become part of a single team to face this tsunami that has overwhelmed us.

流行病學災難正在發生。這裡無所謂外科醫生，泌尿科醫生，骨科醫生，我們只是突然成爲一個團隊的一部分來面對這場席捲我們的海嘯的醫生。

Cases are multiplying, we arrive at a rate of 15-20 admissions per day all for the same reason. The results of the swabs now come one after the other: positive, positive, positive. Suddenly the E.R. is collapsing.

病例在成倍增長，我們每天有15-20人因同樣的原因入院。抽檢的結果一個接一個地出現:陽性、陽性、陽性。突然間，急診室崩潰了。

Reasons for the access always the same: fever and breathing difficulties, fever and cough, respiratory failure. Radiology reports always the same: bilateral interstitial pneumonia, bilateral interstitial pneumonia, bilateral interstitial pneumonia. All to be hospitalized.

使用急診的原因總是一樣的:發燒和呼吸困難，發燒和咳嗽，呼吸衰竭。放射學報告總是相同的:雙側間質性肺炎，雙側間質性肺炎，雙側間質性肺炎。所有人都要住院。

Someone already to be intubated and go to intensive care. For others it's too late... Every ventilator becomes like gold: those in operating theatres that have now suspended their non-urgent activity become intensive care places that did not exist before.

已經有人需要插管，需要去重症監護。而對其他人來說，一切都太遲了……每一個呼吸器都變成了黃金:那些在手術室裏的，現在已經暫停了他們的非緊急活動，變成了以前不存在的重症監護場所。

The staff is exhausted. I saw the tiredness on faces that didn't know what it was despite the already exhausting workloads they had. I saw a solidarity of all of us, who never failed to go to our internist colleagues to ask "what can I do for you now?"

團隊成員都筋疲力盡了。我看到了臉上的疲倦，儘管他們的工作已經很累了，但他們卻不知道在與什麼作戰。我看到我們所有人都團結在一起，每個人都會去問內科同事“我現在能爲你做些什麼?”

Doctors who move beds and transfer patients, who administer therapies instead of nurses. Nurses with tears in their eyes because we can't save everyone, and the vital parameters of several patients at the same time reveal an already marked destiny.

移動病床和轉移病人的醫生，他們代替護士進行治療。護士眼中含着淚水，因爲我們無法拯救每一個人，幾個病人的生命參數同時透露出一個早已註定的命運。

There are no more shifts, no more hours. Social life is suspended for us. We no longer see our families for fear of infecting them. Some of us have already become infected despite the protocols.

沒有更多的輪班，沒有更多的時間。我們的社交生活暫停了。因爲害怕感染，我們再也見不到家人了。我們中的一些人已經被感染了。

Some of our colleagues who are infected also have infected relatives and some of their relatives are already struggling between life and death. So be patient, you can't go to the theatre, museums or the gym. Try to have pity on the myriad of old people you could exterminate.

我們的一些被感染的同事也有被感染的親戚，他們的一些親戚已經在生死之間掙扎。所以要有耐心，你不能去劇院、博物館或健身房。試着憐憫那些因為你的不僅慎而可能消滅的無數老人吧。

We just try to make ourselves useful. You should do the same: we influence the life and death of a few dozen people. You with yours, many more. Please share this message. We must spread the word to prevent what is happening here from happening all over Italy."

我們只是想讓自己變得有用。你也應該這麼做:我們影響了幾十個人的生死。你和你們，還有更多人。請分享這條信息。我們必須傳播這個消息，防止這裏發生的事情在整個義大利發生

I finish by saying that I really don't understand this war on panic. The only reason I see is mask shortages, but there's no mask on sale anymore. We don't have a lot of studies, but is it panic really worse than neglect and carelessness during an epidemic of this sort?

最後我想說的是，我真的不理解這場恐慌戰爭。我看到的唯一原因是口罩不足，但現在已經沒有口罩出售了。我們沒有太多的研究，但在這種流行病中，恐慌真的比忽視和粗心更糟糕嗎?

https://t.co/zDC7de6wtI?amp=1 全文(義大利語)

原文：
https://www.ptt.cc/bbs/Gossiping/M.1583764796.A.DE6.html

YT Caption
更多的英文學習貼文：https://www.instagram.com/crazy_girl_english/

這次的影片在最後加了一小段新聞擷取來讓大家練練聽力。👇🏻 是中文翻譯喔！

「5月17日，國營台灣電力公司因突然急遽上升的耗電量而於晚間8點50分開始，在台灣特定區域實施停電措施。此次耗電量突增起因於在日益增加的國內新冠疫情案例下，大部分人選擇待在家中造成，而興達發電廠發電機的失靈更加劇了此次的停電狀況。緊急的電力配給措施被劃分為 C 區及 D區的範圍進行實施，而這場停電最終總計影響了66 萬戶家庭。此次停電最終於晚間9點40分結束，恢復正常供電。」

小查某複習區：

「停電」
power outage /power failure / power cut /  blackout 
The power went out.
The power is off. 

「恢復供電」
The power is back on. 
The power supply is recovered.

「缺水」
water shortage
drought 

「停水」
water outage  / water cut / water failure
The water supply is suspended 
The water got cut off.

「恢復供水」
The water supply is restored.

🎈 其他主題影片：
「滾啦、走開啦」的英文：https://youtu.be/YnF5w7waukk
「我超忙的 / 這週忙翻了」的英文：https://youtu.be/TR4mGnnfXtw
國際職場的窘境：https://youtu.be/RodS_Yfph_Y

新聞擷取來自：

- https://focustaiwan.tw/society/202105170027
- https://www.taipeitimes.com/News/front/archives/2021/05/18/2003757590

#停水停電的英文
#時事英文
#要和IGTV告別了
#學英文
#瘋查某尬英文