A newly redesigned logo of the United States embassy in Beijing has omitted the word “China,” prompting speculation among Chinese netizens.

Read more: https://bit.ly/3kv5NvU

中美角力之際，北京的美國駐華大使館近日在各個中文社交平台上，更改了大使館的標誌，將原本的「北京‧中国」改為只剩下「北京」，惹起內地網民遐想。大使館職員回答本報稱不知道詳情。
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【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

【東京奧運「照常舉辦」、「延期」還「取消」？外媒這樣表達】

• 各例句取自於 BBC、The New York Times、The Guardian 等來源

• 總提醒：奧運 (The Olympic Games) 因為有很多運動項目，一般 The Olympic Games 被當成複數名詞，不是中文所想的「奧運比賽」，一種大型賽事的感覺。在新聞寫作中，為了避免一直重複全名，很常以 The Games 作為代稱。

• 文章 highlight: 「綜合來講，舉辦在這邊常用的是主動的 take place 或是被動用法 to be held。預定在何時舉辦的「預定」用法有 to be scheduled, to be set, to be due, 以及紐約時報很漂亮的 to be slated. 用法。」

【敘述照常舉辦】

1️⃣ We are doing all we can to ensure that the Games go ahead as planned.

這句話使用了 to go ahead as planned 當作照常舉辦。是官方和外媒最常使用的說法。as planned 為 as it is (was) planned 的省略.

2️⃣ The organizers are doing everything they can to have the games go on in the summer as planned.

這邊使用的是 to have the games go on (後面也是使用 as planned) 。有關繼續，也可以用 to continue as planned/scheduled.

3️⃣ The International Olympic Committee has sought to play down fears of Tokyo 2020 being delayed because of the coronavirus outbreak by insisting the Games will go ahead as scheduled.

這邊使用的是 to go ahead as scheduled.

【敘述東奧的舉辦起迄時間】

綜合來講，舉辦在這邊常用的是主動的 take place 或是被動用法 to be held。預定在何時舉辦的「預定」用法有 to be scheduled, to be set, to be due, 以及 to be slated.

紐約時報果然是紐時，用了 to be slated 的漂亮用法。

1️⃣ The Games of the XXXII Olympiad are set to take place from July 24 to Aug. 9 in Tokyo and surroundings.

這邊使用了 are set to take place

2️⃣ The board "expressed its full commitment to the success of the Olympic Games Tokyo 2020 taking place from 24 July to 9 August.

這句也使用了 take place, 但小心注意句型的不同

3️⃣ The Games are due to be held from 24 July to 9 August.

這邊使用了 are due to be held

4️⃣ The Summer Olympic Games are scheduled to be held from July 24 to Aug. 9 in Tokyo.

只差一點，這句使用了 are scheduled to be held

同樣使用 are scheduled to be held 的還有這句，但因為這句的重點是放在「會被延期」，所以以插入語的方式補充說明。

5️⃣ The Olympic Games, which are scheduled to be held this summer in Tokyo, could be postponed until later this year amid the coronavirus outbreak.

6️⃣ For weeks, there's been speculation that the viral outbreak could disrupt the Tokyo Olympics, which is slated to start on July 24.

【延期這樣說】

1️⃣ Speculation of a delay had mounted further when Japan’s Olympic minister, Seiko Hashimoto, had said the Games could be moved to the end of the year because of coronavirus.

延到年底 "to be moved to the end of the year"

2️⃣ Tokyo 2020 Olympics could be postponed amid the coronavirus outbreak.

這句使用的是 to be postponed

3️⃣ If the coronavirus is not under control by summer, the Tokyo 2020 Olympics contract may allow for postponement.

這邊使用的是名詞 postponement，整體感覺會比直接說 to be postponed 比較抽象一些。

4️⃣ The 2020 Tokyo Olympics won't be delayed by the coronavirus outbreak.

當然大家最常使用的 delay 也是一個選項 (注意詞性喔)

PTCGO最新的卡包SS6(Chilling Reign)將於香港時間6月18日登場，大家預備好了嗎？這一代有超多實用人物卡，包括夏科婭、梨花、嘉德麗雅等等。而黑馬蕾冠王VMAX和白馬蕾冠王VMAX也會登場喔。

英文Card List : https://www.pokebeach.com/2021/05/full-chilling-reign-english-set-list-55-cut-cards-and-speculation-about-next-english-sets

0:00 - SS6介紹
2:37 - V/VMax精靈
30:55 - 普通精靈
56:26 - Trainer Card
1:09:05 - 能量卡

#ptcgo #ChillingReign #ss6

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大家有玩這款Pokemon卡牌的，請加我ID: rioscircle，我們可以一起打Deck喔！

?如何下載PTCGO？→ https://rios.in/howtoptcgo
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? 合作查詢→ im@rios.pro
? rios的主頻道→ http://rios.in/rioscircle
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可參加rios創辦的Youtuber GO網上課程！
Youtuber GO 是一間專門教授香港人做Youtuber的網絡學校！

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? rios的推薦影片 ?

● Youtuber GO 為香港人而創辦的Youtuber網絡學校！
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● 【PTCGO直播】SS5新卡介紹！武道熊師VMAX登場，全新系統一擊VS連擊！Battle Styles 中文解說！
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☆★ 最新動向 (馬上知道最新消息)★☆
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● Instagram https://www.instagram.com/poke.mum/ (Pokemon相關)
● Facebook https://www.facebook.com/rioscircle/
● Saaii的網站 https://www.saaii.net

【關鍵字】
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《劇場版 空の境界 第七章 殺人考察（後）》
seventh heaven
作詞：梶浦由記
作曲：梶浦由記
編曲：梶浦由記
歌：Kalafina

版權聲明:
本頻道不握有任何音樂所有權，亦無任何營利，一切僅為推廣用途。音樂所有權歸原始創作者所有。請支持正版。

Copyright Info:
Be aware this channel is for promotion purpose only without any illegal profit. All music's ownership belongs to the original creators.
Please support the original creator.

すべての権利は正当な所有者/作成者に帰属します。あなたがこの音楽（または画像）の作成者で、この動画に使用されたくない場合はメッセージまたはこのYoutubeチャンネルの概要のメールアドレスにご連絡ください。私はすぐに削除します。

如果你喜歡我的影片，不妨按下喜歡和訂閱，你的支持就是我創作的最大原動力！
If you like my videos, please click like and subscribe! Thx :)

粉絲團隨時獲得最新訊息！
https://www.facebook.com/chschannel/

Check my Facebook page for more information!
https://www.facebook.com/chschannel/

背景連結 / Background Album :
https://imgur.com/a/VQU9q

日文歌詞 / Japanese Lyrics :
歌って欲しい
静かな愛の言葉
泣いていたのは 貴方のせいじゃなくて
夜の中に消えて行った
淡雪に別れを告げたの

闇の中から聞こえた胸の鼓動が
やっと痛みを私に教えてくれた
この傷に口づけて
儚く触れ合う指を
離さないでいて
ずっと

こんなに明るい世界へ
君が私を連れて来た
眩しくて眩しくて
何も見えない 光の中

強く抱きしめていて
凍えた吐息を分け合い
貴方と私の
名残の雪が溶けて

それは夢のような
日々の中
貴方が笑ってる
それだけでいい
ただ傍にいるから

もう一人じゃない
ずっと
二人で行く
まほろば

歌って欲しい
君の　僕の
夜の　朝の

海の

空の調べ

中文歌詞 / Chinese Lyrics :
想聽你吟唱
一曲寧靜地愛的告白
之所以會流淚並非是被你勾起傷心
而是在夜色中，向漸漸消融的
那淺雪，道一聲再見而已

黑暗中嚮起的這陣心跳聲
終於讓我知曉何謂痛楚
輕吻我心頭這道傷痕
握緊短暫相觸的指尖
別再放開
直到永遠

這片如此明亮的世界
是你帶著我一路走來的
耀眼奪目
置身於光芒中，讓我什麼也看不見

緊緊地相擁
分享冰凍成白雪的呼吸
讓屬於你我之間
最後的殘雪漸漸融化

在如夢似幻的
每一天中
有你的笑容
就已經足夠
我已習慣有你陪伴

再也不是孤獨一人
直到永遠
我們一同前往
人間天堂

想聽你吟唱起
響徹你的、響徹我的
響徹夜晚、響徹清晨

響徹大海

響徹天空的旋律

《劇場版 空の境界 第二章 殺人考察（前）》
君が光に変えて行く
作詞：梶浦由記
作曲：梶浦由記
編曲：梶浦由記
歌：Kalafina

版權聲明:
本頻道不握有任何音樂所有權，亦無任何營利，一切僅為推廣用途。音樂所有權歸原始創作者所有。請支持正版。

Copyright Info:
Be aware this channel is for promotion purpose only without any illegal profit. All music's ownership belongs to the original creators.
Please support the original creator.

すべての権利は正当な所有者/作成者に帰属します。あなたがこの音楽（または画像）の作成者で、この動画に使用されたくない場合はメッセージまたはこのYoutubeチャンネルの概要のメールアドレスにご連絡ください。私はすぐに削除します。

如果你喜歡我的影片，不妨按下喜歡和訂閱，你的支持就是我創作的最大原動力！
If you like my videos, please click like and subscribe! Thx :)

粉絲團隨時獲得最新訊息！
https://www.facebook.com/chschannel/

Check my Facebook page for more information!
https://www.facebook.com/chschannel/

背景連結 / Background Album :
https://imgur.com/a/VQU9q

日文歌詞 / Japanese Lyrics :
あたたかな風の中で
誰かが呼んでる
暗闇を惜しむように
夜明けが始まる

明日はきっと
綺麗な空に
銀色の虹がかかるでしょう

こんなに哀しい景色を
君が光に変えて行く
小さな涙の粒さえ
宝石のように落ちてく
未来の中へ

心には秘密がある
それでも触れたくて
触れ合えば壊れて行く
躊躇いは螺旋の中へ

橋を渡った河の向こうまで
明日はきっと……
真昼の中で
春は甘く深く香るのでしょう
夢から醒めて
人は何を探すの

こんなに明るい世界へ
君が私を連れて行く
眩しさにまだ立ち竦む
背中をそっと抱きしめる

信じることの儚さを
君が光に変えて行く
目覚めた朝には涙が
宝石のように落ちてく
未来の中へ

中文歌詞 / Chinese Lyrics :
在這陣溫暖和煦的風中
不知傳來了，誰的呼喚聲？
仿佛在替這份夜色惋惜
又再一次迎來晨曦

明天一定
在這片絢麗的天空
會掛起銀色的彩虹吧

為了這片悲哀的景色
你將，化作光芒將點亮這片風景
讓每一粒渺小的淚珠
都如同寶石般璀璨地滴落
落向未來之中

藏於心中的秘密
令人如此想一窺其中
但僅僅些微的觸碰，也將遍體鱗傷
又被躊躇帶入重複的螺旋

若能度過這座橋梁，抵達河流的彼岸
明天必定會...
在正午之中
散溢著曉春的甜美芬芳吧
自美夢中醒來的人啊
你一直一來究竟，在尋覓著什麼呢？

你將帶著我一同前往
邁向這般滿懷光明的世界
這份光芒如此炫目耀眼，令人瞠目咋舌
在這世界，更有你，靜靜將我擁在懷中

為了這份渺茫的信念
你將，化作光芒將點亮這片風景
讓迎來晨曦的點點淚珠
都如同寶石般璀璨地滴落
落向未來之中