🌻台灣仍在居家隔離期. 台灣居住空間較小, 居家隔離難度較高. 尤其這次面對的病毒也比較凶猛. 祝大家平安. 在此提供一些當時我居家隔離時所做的一些事情, 供大家參考:

--對家人睜一隻眼, 閉一隻眼. 一家人天天在一起難免會有不順的時候, 不過能夠在一起很珍貴.
--買香料公司已經調好的香料包做料理. 這樣省時間, 也可以不用傷腦筋, 也讓煮飯多了點變化(可參考這網站: https://www.mccormick.com/spices-and-flavors/recipe-mixes/mccormick-one)
--做手工藝(當時有做一個花圈wreath)
--看書, 看劇, 在線上與股友聊天, 看年報, 整理財報內容
--多睡覺
--研究園藝, 在家裡養了很多綠色植物
--整理家裡, 做收納, 移動家具
--晚上喝點小酒, 解壓助眠(不過要注意有可能會胡言亂語😅)

🌻Docusign(DOCU), Crowdstrike(CRWD)的電話會議內容已整理好. 有興趣的讀者可以到部落格那邊去看:
https://makingsenseofusastocks.blogspot.com/

🌻附上本周發表財報公司一覽表(請見附圖)

🌻U.S. 10-Year Treasury Yield Slips Below 1.5%
https://www.wsj.com/articles/10-year-treasury-yield-dips-below-1-5-11623256393

🌻俄亥俄州 躍全球太陽能重鎮
顧問公司Wood Mackenzie統計，去年美國太陽能新增發電量創新高，且2030年前將再增加三倍。First Solar表示，俄亥俄州太陽能面板園區未來主要供應美國市場。近年太陽能產業多數零件來自中國，尤其在去年疫情爆發後，美國重大產業過度依賴海外供應鏈的風險激增，令拜登政府誓言重振美國製造業，並大力推動綠能產業發展。
https://www.chinatimes.com/newspapers/20210611000866-260203?chdtv

🌻華爾街日報》美國經濟快速復甦，就業成長為何沒跟上？工作機會被科技進步吃掉了！
https://www.storm.mg/article/3743297

"其中一個受益者是CardFree Inc.，該公司為餐飲經營者設計和運營線上和移動點餐系統。CardFree的首席執行官Jon Squire稱，該公司的應用軟體讓餐館能夠更好地預測和管理收到的訂單，以優化人員和產能調配。"

🌻現金太多 美銀行業者向企業喊話：別來存款
https://www.worldjournal.com/wj/story/121477/5524281

🌻華爾街日報選文(中文)
最近花了不少時間看報紙, 發現報紙還真好看, 除了學到不少財經知識外, 華爾街日報(WSJ)有些文章都挺有深度的. 有時候還一邊看一邊畫重點.

Anyway. 發現這個中文網站, 會翻譯一些WSJ的好文章. 值得書籤(bookmark)起來:
https://www.storm.mg/category/173479

🌻去年很多EV方面的新公司或是小公司. 這篇文章的觀點挺好, 說做EV, 要能夠scale(規模化地拓展)也很重要: https://www.wsj.com/articles/why-electric-vehicle-stocks-are-stuck-in-reverse-11622709998

"Still, the classic Silicon Valley disruption story isn’t playing out in the auto industry as once expected. With their big batteries, EVs are shaping up to be an industrial product that benefits from the kind of industrial scale 20th century manufacturers are good at. This advantage may not persist as other, software-based automotive technologies take off—in-vehicle internet and ultimately automated driving. But these are probably questions for another year."

可以跟這篇一起看:
Lordstown Motors的預警凸顯電動汽車初創公司的資金難題
https://cn.wsj.com/articles/lordstown-motors%E7%9A%84%E9%A0%90%E8%AD%A6%E5%87%B8%E9%A1%AF%E9%9B%BB%E5%8B%95%E6%B1%BD%E8%BB%8A%E5%88%9D%E5%89%B5%E5%85%AC%E5%8F%B8%E7%9A%84%E8%B3%87%E9%87%91%E9%9B%A3%E9%A1%8C-11623304812

🌻
即便亞馬遜和沃爾瑪也難理順美國醫療健康亂局
美國企業有無數個理由進軍甚至顛覆醫療健康行業，但即使是技術天才也會發現這個領域令人費解。
https://cn.wsj.com/articles/%E5%8D%B3%E4%BE%BF%E4%BA%9E%E9%A6%AC%E9%81%9C%E5%92%8C%E6%B2%83%E7%88%BE%E7%91%AA%E4%B9%9F%E9%9B%A3%E7%90%86%E9%A0%86%E7%BE%8E%E5%9C%8B%E9%86%AB%E7%99%82%E5%81%A5%E5%BA%B7%E4%BA%82%E5%B1%80-11622432113

🌻信任(trust)
這兩天看了一部電影and一本書的評論, 發現觸及的主題是一樣的: 信任.

電影是Disney Plus上面的"巡龍使者: 拉雅". 書是一本新書"The Power of Giving Away Power".

我發現一個團體要把事情做好, 重要的不是每個人的能力有多強, 而是彼此能否信任. 當大家都有共識(英文有個片語是, "on the same page"), 有同樣的目標的時候, 事情會好辦很多. 但這其實不容易做到(就像電影中的Raya一樣, 還必須先犧牲自己, 才能說服夥伴.)

Anyway. 覺得這題材挺有趣的, 也是生活中常碰到的事情. 分享給大家.

"巡龍使者: 拉雅"影評: https://movie1314.pixnet.net/coblog/post/353485640

"The Power of Giving Away Power"書評:
https://www.wsj.com/articles/the-power-of-giving-away-power-review-the-stars-look-down-11623277080

Pictures: 網路, Amazon, earningswhispers.com

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

［婚禮業界聯合聲明］

近月，香港各處也充斥著催淚煙的氣味，無論大街小巷、商場食肆，或是屋村屋苑，甚至是婚禮場所，都無一倖免。撥開這一層白茫茫的霧霾𥚃頭，是市民的眼淚、市民的驚恐、市民的痛苦，甚至是市民的鮮血。

一直以來，我們婚禮界堅信及擁護香港的法治精神，但鑑於警察行為已經失控，出現大量濫權、濫捕、濫暴情況。相信這是我們，亦是你，更是大眾所不能接受的！

在良知的驅使下，即使我們如何努力地保持專業，也是很有限的，尤其是在警方濫捕及濫暴香港市民的同時，我們已經不能容許自己在婚禮上再給他們送上微笑祝福！縱使我們深信世上有好人壞人之分，警察也有所謂的黑與白之別，但我們更需要的，是公平、公正的去分辨服務對象！

因此，我們現在嚴正聲明：

在成立獨立調查委員會之前，所有警務人員的任何喜慶節目，一律不再接受預約！

以上是我們一班婚禮從業員的心聲，希望能為香港我們這個家，盡一點綿力；以及將一直以來的核心價值包括公平、努力、包容、相愛，好好保護下來。而且我們更希望，香港不同階層、不同行業、不同身份的左鄰右里，也可以一齊加入、一齊加油、一齊罷接警婚！

光復香港，時代革命
香港人，堅持！香港人，反抗！

2019年11月8日

#香港人 #反抗 #光復香港 #時代革命 #五大訴求 #缺一不可 #反送中文宣 #黃 #雨傘 #各行各業一起罷 #拒絕警暴 #我們一起罷 #你不配 #婚禮界 #良知 #黑白

————————————

［ Joint Declaration from the Hong Kong Wedding Industry ］

We believe in the Rule of Law spirit. It has been disheartening to witness the recent police brutality events, where certain Hong Kong Police members have abused their power, tortured, publicly humiliated, and arrested the innocent.

Unfortunately it has come to the point where it is no longer viable for us to provide our genuine blessing to any clients from the Police force during their wedding, as incidents involving potential police misconduct reoccur on a daily basis. We can no longer turn a blind eye to such events.

There has been a notable lack of commitment from the Hong Kong government to address the current violation of civilians’ rights. Therefore, in order to uphold the values we believe in, we declare that: before an Independent Commission on Policing can be properly established to lay criminal charges against the police officers involved in misbehaviour, and to ensure those who committed a violation of human rights are brought to justice, we will no longer accept any reservations from the Hong Kong Police force with regard to any celebratory events.

Liberate Hong Kong, the revolution of our times!

Hong Kong people, persist! Hong Kong people, resist!

8th November 2019

加入惡魔獵人的行列，見證他們的傳奇：
https://store.steampowered.com/app/601150/Devil_May_Cry_5/

昨天破完劇情以後馬上就被這首歌震撼到了, 真不愧是卡普空, 10老招牌被完美地傳承下來了!

Legacy有傳承, 遺產, 遺留下來的事物等意思, 而在惡魔獵人的故事中, 我個人覺得"傳奇" 一詞更能體現這首歌想表達的意境, 畢竟惡魔獵人們所遺留下來的, 正是他們的傳奇故事...



英文原文歌詞:
When those voices deep within
Bring you down to your knees again
Redemption calls onto
All of those who persist
With the strength of the few

Don't come to question
All that you've known
Remember, you are not alone
I will be here
Standing beside you

There is no mountain
Too tall to overcome
We will be as one
You will rise again
This is your legacy
Rise again
This is your legacy

#惡魔獵人5
#結局
#音樂
#神曲