好戏不断，精彩再续😍星音符剧团28/08/2020为您温馨首演——《没有泪的天空》💦💧
More shows to come! Excitement unending!
On August 28, 2020, Symphony Theatre will premiere a performance that is sure to warm the heart—“Tearless Sky”.

💌当爱情的矛盾无处可躲，当爱情的缘分不期而至，他们将如何应对？
如果找到了彼此认可的声音，这…就是幸福吗？

🌧《没有泪的天空》，一部改编自经典爱情小说的感人话剧，由知名艺人——锺洁希担任女主角，男主角皆为本剧团旗下演员——李安生与林霆坚；同时也集聚了多位资深演员同台演出。

🤩男主角林霆坚是《红楼梦》话剧全球万里挑一的贾宝玉，他饰演的贾宝玉一角大受观众的喜爱，演技也备受肯定。李安生则是美籍音乐家兼演员，他在美国得过音乐奖，也为《红楼梦》话剧创作两首歌曲深获好评。此次两位男主角也会为《没有泪的天空》话剧演唱插曲。他们两人都是在大学主修读戏剧及音乐表演系。

星音符为您诚意推荐，五首为《没有泪的天空》话剧量身打造，动人心弦的歌曲。
同名主题曲 – 《没有泪的天空》在易桀齐和伍冠彦的编曲下，由饰演杜小梦的钟洁希填词并演唱 。美籍音乐家兼演员的李安生 在美国得过音乐奖，也为《红楼梦》话剧创作了主题曲与插曲，深获好评。 此次，为本话剧操刀制作填词，以磁性声线献唱插曲《在一起》，并以中英双语演唱《永恒》。男主角林霆坚，真情真爱以动人歌声勇敢表达《幸福女孩》。

🌈《没有泪的天空》由马杰飞、李安田执导。导演马杰飞曾担任电影、话剧、短片和MV男主角；副导演则是拥有双国籍的李安田，自小在美国和台湾两地成长，属于性格派演员，并且曾在美国受过名师指导拍摄及导演。导演马杰飞与副导李安田都在大学主修读戏剧及音乐表演系，曾经执导多部话剧、短片和广告。

💘剧情简介：锺洁希饰演一位活泼开朗的女生，一次把物件归还给失主（李安生），因此耽误了工作而丢了这份工。几经波折，她终于找到一份看护工作，遇见一位富公子（林霆坚），两人从陌生到熟悉…

『从不懂，到懂得；从不舍，到舍得
明天跟意外，究竟是谁会先来到？
人生中学会了祝福，就不会留下遗憾
就让这一片蓝天，成为彼此没有泪的天空』

💕星音符剧团诚意为话剧迷奉上最新力作《没有泪的天空》，整部话剧节奏紧凑，充满热血元素；再配上3D科技绝美LED背景呈现生动布景及音响设备，让现场观众有置身其境的感官享受。《没有泪的天空》话剧暂定会演出6场，28/08星音符剧场唯美首演，敬请期待。

📅📆【演出日期】🏹🏹🏹
[第一场]28/08/2020
[第二场]29/08/2020
[第三场]30/08/2020
[第四场]04/09/2020
[第五场]05/09/2020
[第六场]06/09/2020

【全剧】2个小时半
【时间】晚上8点钟⏳
【地点】星音符剧场🎀
【中文演绎，英文字幕】

想要购买话剧入门票🤩？请点击这里 ：
📲📲📲https://wa.link/lck748
【联络号码】016-336 6701(Ms. Tan)

Want to purchase tickets? 🤩 Visit the following link:
https://wa.link/1zlg05
Contact number: 016-336 6701 (Ms. Tan)

More shows to come! Excitement unending!
On August 28, 2020, Symphony Theatre will premiere a performance that is sure to warm the heart—“Tearless Sky”.

How would they respond when facing the conflicts in love and the call of destiny?
And does settling with a kindred soul really mean happiness?

🌧 “Tearless Sky”, a touching stage play based on a classic romance novel, stars well-known artist Jessie Chung. Symphony Theatre artists John Lee and Terry Lim also star in the play alongside many experienced actors.

🤩 Lead actor Terry Lim portrayed Jia Baoyu in the stage play “The Dream of Red Mansions” after coming first in a global audition. His portrayal of Jia Baoyu has been praised by the audience, and he is known for his superb acting skills. John Lee is an American musician and actor. He is an award-winning musician and has written two songs for the stage play “The Dream of Red Mansions”, garnering favourable reviews. Two songs written by him will also appear in the stage play “Tearless Sky”. Both actors are performing arts and music majors.

The title song, “Tearless Sky”, is composed by Yi Jet Qi and Ng Cheon Chet, while Jessie Chung, who portrays Du Xiaomeng, wrote the lyrics and performed the song. John Lee is an actor and award-winning American musician who composed the theme song and soundtrack for the stage play “The Dream of Red Mansions”, garnering favourable reviews. For this upcoming play, he produced and performed the soundtrack song “Be With Me” and performed two versions of “Eternally” in both Mandarin and English with his mesmeric vocals. Male lead Terry Lim, in a daring and romantic manner, provides the love song “Happy Girl” with his marvellous voice.

Jeffrey Beh, director of “Tearless Sky”, has starred in movies, dramas, short films and music videos. Paul Lee, the assistant director, is a dual citizen who grew up between the U.S. and Taiwan. He is also a character actor and learned the craft of cinematography and directing under a few renowned instructors in the U.S. Director Jeffrey Beh and Assistant Director Paul Lee both majored in performing arts and music, and have directed many dramas, short films and commercials.

💘Synopsis: Jessie Chung plays a lively, cheerful girl who returns a lost item to its owner (John Lee) and loses her job due to showing up to work late. After many twists and turns, she finally finds a job as a caregiver and meets a rich young man (Terry Lim). The two begin to break the ice...

Growing up is going from ignorance to understanding, from holding on to letting go.
As we know not if we might live to see tomorrow,
We can only live life with no regrets when we learn to give and bless.
In doing so, a tearless sky is created that truly belongs to each one of us.

💕Symphony Theatre presents to all theatre lovers a brand-new masterpiece, “Tearless Sky”. It is a fast-paced, hotblooded stage play. Equipped with high-end audio equipment and an LED stage to display spectacular, vivid backdrops created through 3D technology, the audience gets a chance to enjoy an immersive feast of the senses. So far, six performances of “Tearless Sky” have been scheduled. It will premiere on August 28 at Symphony Theatre. Stay tuned for more updates!

Performance dates: 🏹🏹🏹
First show: August 28, 2020
Second show: August 29, 2020
Third show: August 30, 2020
Fourth show: September 4, 2020
Fifth show: September 5, 2020
Sixth show: September 6, 2020

Duration: 2 hours 30min
Time: 8 p.m.
Venue: Symphony Theatre
Performed in Mandarin with English surtitles

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

[Paris pastry / 巴黎甜點] Christmas cake “le cacao” by Jimmy Mornet, head pastry chef of Park Hyatt Paris-Vendome / 巴黎凱悅凡登花園酒店甜點主廚Jimmy Mornet創作的聖誕節蛋糕「可可豆」（中文請按「繼續閱讀」）

Had a wonderful experience this Tuesday at Paris Park Hyatt Vendôme hotel, tasting the marvellous bûche de noël (Christmas cake) "le Cacao" and their latest tea time menu created by the talented pastry chef Jimmy Mornet. More photos and a blog post to come soon (hopefully tomorrow), so stay tuned! You're also welcomed to have a sneak peek into it in the “Paris 🍰” story highlights on my Instagram page @applespoon.

👉🏻👉🏻https://www.instagram.com/applespoon

本週二很榮幸地受邀至巴黎凱悅凡登花園酒店品嚐甜點主廚Jimmy Mornet的聖誕節蛋糕「可可豆」以及他們最新一季的下午茶甜點系列。這是我第一次品嚐Jimmy主廚的作品，相當驚豔。可可豆造型的聖誕節蛋糕也是今年巴黎甜點界非常出眾的作品。詳細照片與文字預計在明天與大家分享，等不及的朋友，可以先在我的Instagram @applespoon帳戶首頁上的精選動態「Paris 🍰」中望梅止渴一下😉

👉🏻👉🏻https://www.instagram.com/applespoon

#yingspastryguide #paris #parispastry #parkhyattvendomeparis #jimmymornet #buche2018