你沒看錯，這個英文相關的粉專在推薦中文影集
〈誰是被害者〉真心好看，推！
而且 #作息破壞者 我還是要教英文，放心無雷

光是英文片名就很有學問
The Victims' Game
用的是被害者的複數所有格
代表不只一位受害者
而整個案件是屬於他們的一場遊戲......

聽過我演講的人都知道
〈李屍朝鮮〉（後來改名字了但我不管）
秉持著反正不懂韓文而且英文品質不錯的原則
我看的是英文配音和英文字幕版
享受故事和驚悚，更學了很多英文

而這部繼〈我們與惡的距離〉之後最熱門的話題強片
不是只有卡司和演技強，劇本的深度和拍攝強
特殊化妝和美術也強
（警告，有很多屍體，懼怕者慎入）

可惜沒有英文配音，但是有很棒的英文字幕
於是我把八集配著英文字幕完食了

反正本來就聽得懂中文
看英文字幕還可以多學到好多
比如第一集開場，老師的話，就為連環懸疑埋下了伏筆

鑑識是了解人類行為模式的科學
Forensic science is designed to understand the pattern of human behavior.

我們透過遺留下來的跡證 ‎去了解人怎麼做跟為什麼做
Through evidence, we can understand how and why people do things.

但諷刺的是 ‎這些死者在生前 ‎並沒有人在意他們是誰
Ironically, nobody cares about who the deceased were when they were alive.

而死了之後
After they pass away,

我們才透過他們遺物 ‎拼命想要去了解他們生前的樣子
we try so hard to understand what they were like by studying their remains.

是不是學到很多？
就跟你們說學英文是一種終身學習的 lifestyle
做很多事都可以學英文的
就是不要等到進教室才學英文

幫大家整理一些關鍵字

Asperger syndrome 亞斯伯格症狀
life sentence 無期徒刑
signs of fighting 打鬥痕跡
dissolve the body 溶屍
accuse 指控
convict 定罪
autopsy 驗屍
fingerprint identification 指紋化驗比對
toxicology test 藥毒檢驗報告
high dose of anesthetic 高劑量麻醉劑

喜歡的高明翻譯：
封口費 paid to keep their mouth shut
撤告 withdraw from the case
酒店 hostess club（文化詞很難翻，台灣的酒店不是飯店，而是坐陪酒吧）
花名 stage name
一個抵十個 he can do ten guys' jobs

除了台灣熱門
IMDb 也一片國際英文好評
看完喜歡，可以驕傲分享給外國朋友

#只有第一集和第六集最後有顯示英譯者名字
#兩位不同譯者
#respect我覺得很不容易辛苦了

#張孝全 #許瑋甯 #王識賢 #黃河 #李沐 #丁寧 #林心如 超強大
Netflix 獨家播映中

有誰也在追？
歡迎分享！

浩爾
-----

如果喜歡看我們解析影視作品學英文
歡迎加入 #最好玩的電影英文課
五大類共二十部英文電影，還有電影專門詞彙解析
https://bit.ly/2V2dwHp

我哥之前因為陪朋友去考街頭藝人證照看到一些評審對街頭藝人的態度發聲 而上了新聞。我覺得他很勇敢的去做了一件對的事。

希望政府不會時間過了就不關心這些事情。希望我們都可以更客觀的去看藝術，尊重不一樣藝術和藝術家。我覺得以下我哥說的非常好，想跟大家分享。

想知道之前的事可看新聞連結：
http://www.storm.mg/article/270611

親愛的大家：


我想感謝所有支持我、以及給予我鼓勵意見的每個人；同時也要感謝熱情關注此事、協助揭露街頭表演者們應試處境問題的許多媒體與記者們。我很抱歉這些日子我保持著沉默—僅有一個原因：我並不希望這件事情，在台北市文化局正式給予溝通管道之前就發展到無法控制的程度；我很抱歉遲至今日我才發表這篇文章，但我確實需要一些時間來沉澱彙整我心中的感受和想法，而我也需要時間及一些協助使這篇文章能夠以中文來呈現。

在我採取更進一步的行動之前，我其實未曾預料到這件事情在媒體與社交媒體上的感染力如此龐大；我受寵若驚的感動能夠聽見發自你們每個人內心的聲音，而我也著實感到抱歉，面對著如潮水般湧來的各種訊息，似乎超過我所能負荷。請原諒我未能夠逐ㄧ去回應每個人的訊息，但我真的想讓你們知道，你們每ㄧ個人都讓我感到不可思議、帶給我深深的感動及感謝。

我不認為自己是一個勇敢的人，我也自知自己並非街頭藝人的代表或者發言人。但我是一個藝術創作者，一個表演藝術家，一個教育者，而最重要的，我身為一個 "人"。我的家人、朋友及師長們，總是教導我應該為正確的事情挺身而出。

我明白事情有時候總是不像我們所期待的永遠是非分明。但發生在5月21日星期天的街頭藝人評審事件，是對藝術群體的一種「極不尊重」。不論反面評論者所提出的藉口、理由或是文化差異等緣由，這些應試的表演者們，很顯然是被視為次等公民，或者（經驗與技能不夠成熟？）的學生等級。而與此同時，同樣非常清晰的是，街頭藝人評審制度或許是立意良善，但其審查過程的執行層面，卻是嚴重缺失連連。

藝術並非一種特權的這件事情如今已完全被遺忘。台北市文化局本應提倡所有具有文化及藝術可能性的事情，但它並未做到這ㄧ點。很顯然的，一個「對表演者的基本尊重」並不存在 — 許多表演者都如此感覺，有些人則深感受傷。

就算是得到全世界所有理應被如此對待的原因及理由，他們仍然感受到自己的不被尊重；因為這就是事實。

再一次的我想強調我並不是認定台北市文化局與該評審是一個「壞人」，我想強調的只是這個評審街頭藝人表演的執行環節，究竟有多麼的不妥當與糟糕。

我試著回應一個反面評論者所提到的觀點：若街頭藝人證照是ㄧ場「考試」、考試就會有考試的規則。評審無需與應試者惺惺相惜，掉頭就走是因為模擬街頭現場環境以及時間到了。再一次的，在我描述現場狀況的前ㄧ篇文章中，大家或許還記憶猶新：許多表演者根本沒有完整的短至一分半鐘的時間可以好好表演，遑論是超過2-5分鐘的時間限制了。

而這樣的回應是否也指出了另一個值得我們去思考的問題： 為什麼我們會將它視為一種「考試」，而不是ㄧ個表演者的「試鏡」呢？

首先，這些表演者們並不是學生。事實上，許多人更可能是一個專業的音樂家、舞者、或者正從事著表演藝術的人。當然，我不否認也可能會有些正在學習中的族群。但，最重要的是，當他們「在屬於他們應得的演出時間與機會裡 (而且還是付費才有的），他們就是ㄧ個真正的表演者。」

他們不應該被看待成一個不成熟的學生或者次等的公民。而就算一個人擁有著學生的身分，這個身分也不應該影響或侷限他或她，作為一個藝術創作者的身分及所有可能性。「藝術家」並非是透過一個人的職業身分或者社會地位來定義的。

所謂「考試」的這個字眼指涉著ㄧ個學術教育機構，而我們都知道台北市文化局所應該扮演的角色與作用，並非一個學術性的教育機構，也並非是用來教育藝術創作者們該知道些什麼？該怎麼表現？藝術教育及審美的養成也從來不是在追求填鴨式教育裡的ㄧ個標準答案。將街頭藝人的徵選視為「考試」的視角，或許本身就有待商榷。

評審的場所是在一個公共場合，許多居民與遊客都會圍觀欣賞著表演，其中有些人或許不了解藝術；因而這些人也許會將在場的評審們，視做為某種藝術的衡量標準；試問，當這些人看到評審對待表演藝術家的行為與態度，當他們看到評審總是任意打斷演出，並且掉頭就走不帶ㄧ句回應時，人們日後還能懂得尊重街頭表演藝術家嗎？

沒錯，我們都知道這是一場「考試」，我們也很清楚這些手上拿著計分表的人們就是評審；因此，事實上評審們根本無需「模擬」街頭現場那些會隨時走掉的陌生人們。

這些評審以及相關單位的人員，理應提倡藝術，並且作為ㄧ種示範與典範，讓普羅大眾都能夠看到該如何去欣賞ㄧ場演出。一個表演者並不會因為他選擇在街頭表演，就因此比不上一個在大舞台演出的藝術家。我自己就曾在世界各地超過百個不同的絢麗舞台演出過，但我仍然汗顏自己可能也不比這些街頭藝術家們來的優秀。

我曾擔任過ㄧ些國際比賽的評審，我也曾舉辦過專業的試鏡；我從來沒有聽過關於尊敬一個人的這件簡單事情，會需要在時間充裕的前提下才能夠發生。

如果一點表情會洩漏出評審成績的好惡，其實也真的可以不用笑或是無需在表演結束時說一聲謝謝。而評審也真的「不需要」與考證照的街頭藝人感覺惺惺相惜，因為這些都不是我想討論的重點。

我在意的是，表演者所需要的，只不過就是一個對人與對一個演出者的「基本尊重」而已。這樣的尊重存在與否，如人飲水冷暖自知，在人與人的接觸中就能直接感受的到，著實無需仰賴規則或語言的贅述。

我作為一個藝術創作者和教育者，穿梭各地工作超過15年的職業生涯經驗，或許會因此被視為一個外國人，但我的身分就是一個台灣公民。身為一個39歲的成年人，我可以分辨何謂尊重，而表達尊重甚至不需要浪費到任何一秒鐘。如果一個人會需要至少五分鐘以上的充足時間才有可能表達出對另外一個個體的尊重的話，那他可能需要重新再思考一下，尊重對他而言意謂著什麼？


再度回應一位也曾擔任過街頭藝人評審的老師所提出來「中途要求更換曲目或要求表演者改唱另ㄧ種語言的歌」的理由，是因為評審們不會希望一個街頭藝人一整年下來只會唱同一種語言、甚至是只唱同ㄧ首歌。

我所思考的是當一個街頭藝人遵守規定，付費且努力準備去應試時，他ㄧ定會準備了符合完整時間長度的、同時也是自己最擅長、最喜歡或者是最期待能被看見的那些內容；表演一首歌曲或者ㄧ種風格並不代表他就只會唱那ㄧ首歌；而且就算是當做他只會唱ㄧ種語言、ㄧ首歌，如果他能把這首歌反覆演繹的淋漓盡致時, 又有什麼不好呢？

難道我們不曾注意到百老匯的音樂劇就是同樣的那幾部，而獅子王也已經在舞台上展演了20年了嗎？許多同樣內容重複的音樂劇票房始終歷久不衰，持續帶給觀眾們心靈的滿足。而人氣歌手愛黛兒從頭到尾也只會用英文唱歌，而且幾乎都是類似的曲風，我們可曾在乎過她有沒有能力去唱中文歌呢？

ㄧ部舞蹈作品光在荷蘭本土就能有至少五十場大大小小的演出機會。但在台灣，ㄧ部作品如果能有五個場次的演出，可能已經算是很長壽了。這樣的環境迫使藝術創作者們必須不斷快速的「生產新作」，而將舊有積累的作品與經驗拋在腦後。就所有對於藝術的挹注與投資（不僅僅是金錢）來說，這樣的情況對藝術的生產是ㄧ種過度消耗與浪費，也並未真正教育到民眾如何去看待藝術的價值。

而最終，這樣的評審過程與態度並不僅僅是對街頭表演藝術者的不尊重，同時也是對於藝術的不尊重。

台北市文化局星期ㄧ曾經聯絡過我，親切向我表示將與我進一步聯絡並討論這件事情；他們要求我先將評審的照片拿掉—我答應取下照片，但前提是他們必須確實誠意的允諾一個面對面的溝通。這幾天我也暫時迴避了一些報導媒體的詢問（還請大家見諒）只因我衷心希望能先與台北市文化局及該評審當面談一談。我ㄧ直等待，但我也持續的看到了相關機構或人員回應給媒體的諸多理由與藉口； 自從將照片從網路上取下之後，直到今日都沒有人再跟我連繫過。慢慢的我突然明白星期一的那通電話，或許純粹只是ㄧ個希望我能將照片取下的操作手法，而並非真的試圖去了解整個經過以及解決問題。我對這個本應提倡藝術與文化的機構感到無比失望。

我知道我並非一個公眾人物，而我也不能代表所有想要考取街頭藝人執照的表演者們；自從我的臉書網頁訊息爆炸之後，我就不斷的在思考這件事情，我反覆思考自己是否該繼續爭執此事，這似乎並非與我切身相關的事情，然而，身為一個藝術教育者，我卻又感受到深切的責任。

經過反覆的思考以及與朋友們的討論，我意識到不論我們的展演形式如何不同，我們同樣都是表演藝術群體中的一分子。台北市文化局最後很可能將持續充耳不聞，而這位被我所抱怨的評審也可能繼續做他這些年來ㄧ直在做的事—用他ㄧ貫的態度。除非他們願意傾聽與改變，否則我無法改變任何人。

我真心相信有些事情值得改善，也可以改善。我必須強調我並不是想要攻擊或羞辱任何人。我只希望能有機會去討論如何讓審查的過程變的更適當。我看到台灣有許多優秀的藝術家，但環境對藝術和藝術家的不尊重不但打擊同時也限制了他們的發展；更遺憾的是，這一切可能是在許多疏忽之中造就出來的環境。

許多評審過程如果能夠在尊重藝術的前提之下思考和進行，事情或許會截然不同。
只要有一點點可能去拋開面子的問題，或許也就有機會明嘹我們所期待的結果其實是一樣的。

事實上我之所以說了這麼冗長的話語，並非是要不尊敬所謂的評審或師長，而正是因為我對藝術的尊敬，使我更深切的關注身為一個教育者所代表的意義。今天我看到了街頭表演藝術家是如何被不當的對待，而很顯然的我也不會是唯一的目擊者。某個程度上我的聲音似乎被放大了，但我也知道我的聲音並不是唯一的一個，我是許許多多的聲音中的ㄧ份子。

William

---------

Dear All,

I would like to thank you for all the encouraging messages and supportive comments. I would also like to thank all the journalists and reporters who are passionate about this issue and are so willing to expose the problem that was faced by these street performers. I am sorry that I have been quiet but with a reason: I don’t want it to get much bigger than it already was until I talked to the Taipei Cultural Affair. I apologize that it took me a while, but I needed some time to gather my thoughts and help to translate my writing into Chinese.

Before I go on any further, I never expected my story would go viral on the media and the social media. I am humbled and touched to hear from many of you. All the messages I’ve received have been overwhelming. I am not able to reply to all of them, but I’d like you to know that I am honored, thankful, and touched by every single one of them.

I do not consider myself as a brave person, nor do I consider myself a representative for the street performers. BUT I am an artist, a performer, educator, and most of all I am a human being.I have always been taught to stand for what’s right by my family, friends and mentors.

I understand things are not as black and white as we all wish sometimes. However, what happened on Sunday 21st of May was a disgrace to the art community. Regardless of all the excuses that were given or cultural differences, it was very obvious these performers were treated like lower-class citizens; if not, students. It was also very clear that the intention might be well, but the execution of the busker’s exam was done horribly.

Somehow the idea that ART is NOT a privilege had been forgotten. Taipei Cultural Affair is supposed to be advocating for all things cultural and artistic but it was not conveyed that day. It was very clear the respect was not there. Many felt it and some got their feelings hurt. Even with all the excuses there are in the world, many experienced the disrespect. That was the truth. Again I have to emphasize that I believe Taipei Department of Cultural Affair and its adjudicators are good people, but the execution of the exam was poor.

It brings to the question…. why is it called an exam? Shouldn’t it be an audition?

These performers were not students when they took the exam. Some of them were actually professional musicians, dancers, or performers. Just because one is a student, it doesn’t make him or her less of an artist. Artists are not defined by their social status or occupation.

The term exam suggests an educational institution, but we know Taipei Department of Cultural Affair is not an educational institution. They do not decide what these artists need to know. These performers were not given any materials to study, thus the term exam is very misleading.

The exam took place in a public space. Many tourists and residents were there to enjoy the event. Many do not understand arts. So they may look up to these adjudicators as role models who are experienced in the arts. When they saw how this exam was being done, do you think they would have any respect for these performers afterwards? They saw these adjudicators interrupting the performers and left without saying a “thank you.” We all knew it was an exam, we all knew these people were adjudicators. They did not need to pretend to be street spectators who just walk away. They all carried their score boards in their hands.

Just because a performer performs on the street, it doesn’t make that performer any less of a performer than someone who is performing on big stages. I myself have performed over hundreds of stages around the world and I do not dare to think myself better than these performers.

I have judged a handful of international competitions. I have also held professional auditions. I have never heard an excuse that respect can’t be shown when time is limited. You do not need to smile to simply say “thank you.” Since when, a smile means “I favor you.” What a performer need is respect. Over the 15 year span of my professional career as an educator and artist, and 39 years of being a human being, I know what respect looks like. It doesn’t take more than a second to show it. If it takes longer than 5 minutes to show what respect is, I think you may need to rethink what respect means to you.

Another excuse that was presented was that they don’t want a street artist performs only one kind of songs or genre throughout the year. Don’t they know broadway musicals? Lion King has been performed over 20 years. They’ve been doing the same musical numbers for years to sold out audiences. Adele has been singing the same genre of music and always in English. Does it matter that she doesn’t sing in other genre or sing in Chinese?

One dance production in the Netherlands can be performed up to 50 performances within the Netherlands itself. In Taiwan, a dance work only performed 5 times the most. They are forced to constantly create new works and leave the old works behind. That is a waste of arts funding and it doesn’t educate the public on the value of the arts. These performers is old enough to decide what they want to show these judges with their limited time.

In the end it wasn’t just disrespectful to the performers, but also to the arts.

I was contacted by the Taipei Cultural Affair on Monday, the representative spoke nicely promising that they would discuss further with me. He asked me to take the adjudicator’s picture down, I agreed with the condition of meeting in person to further discuss what could be done better. I have refused to talk to reporters for the last few days. I have been waiting but I then heard the excuses given to the media. Since I’ve taken down the picture of the head adjudicator, they haven’t made any attempt to contact me. I came into a realization that when they made the call, it wasn’t to address the problem but simply to manipulate me to take down his picture. I’m disappointed at this institution that was supposed to promote the arts and culture.

I realized I am not a public figure, nor am I responsible for the well being of all artists who want to get a busker license. After my Facebook post went viral, I’ve been thinking so much about this issue. I kept going back and forth questioning whether I should keep fighting for this. It doesn’t feel like my fight, but at the same time I feel responsible as an art educator.

I truly believe this can be fixed. I need to emphasize, I am not attacking anyone. And I don’t want to shame anyone. I want to start a discussion how to make it better. Taipei has some of the best performers I’ve seen, yet the lack of respect for the arts and artists has suppressed their ability to excel. And ironically, it’s often done unintentionally.

If the exam is done based on respect for the arts itself, things might have come out differently. And just maybe if we all let go the “face” culture, we could possibly see further to realize that we are all wanting the same thing.

I saw mistreatments towards performers that day. It was very obvious I wasn’t the only one witnessing it. It was not that I don’t respect these adjudicators/teachers, but because I respect the arts and the meaning of a teacher that is why I had to speak up. Somehow my voice had been amplified this week. But my voice wasn’t and isn’t singular. I am simply a voice amongst many.

Sincerely,
William Lü

Taipei National University of the Arts 國立台北藝術大學
寶藏巖國際藝術村 Treasure Hill Artist Village
Taipei National University of the Arts
臺北表演藝術中心 Taipei Performing Arts Center
National Theater and Concert Hall, Taipei
中正紀念堂 Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall
National Taiwan University of Arts
Department of Cultural Affairs, Taipei City Government

那個南方叫屏東
屏東的黑鮪魚好ㄘ(〃∀〃)

【2016，這就是台灣人想要的總統！】

「妳回北京以後，告訴他們，」蔡英文說：「台灣的下一任總統曾經為妳服務過。」

（“Go back to Beijing,” says Tsai, “and tell them you were served by the next President of Taiwan.”）

上面那段話，是這幾天來，最讓我感佩與震撼的一段話。那是蔡英文主席接受《TIME》雜誌專訪長文的結語，鏗鏘有力，也讓人無比動容...

2016，我希望我能有幸擁有這樣的總統，一股溫柔的力量，卻又充滿自信與霸氣，不慍不火、不卑不亢，而這正是台灣這個即將新生的島國，用來在世界永續立足，最需要的態度。

朋友們告訴我，昨天附上的《TIME》雜誌英漢對照翻譯文章，已經被下架了。對此，我真的感到非常遺憾。（更新消息：PTT貼文者並非原譯，因恐引起誤會而刪文。原譯文出自獨立記者Jessie Chen臉書，特此致謝。）

對於那篇連夜趕出的翻譯稿，也許不同立場的朋友，會有不同想法與批評。但對於譯者的熱心與用心，我只有發自內心的感激和敬佩。因此，我在網路上找到備份文章，再一次（無修改）分享給我的朋友們，需要的，就幫忙再傳播出去吧！

德不孤必有鄰，一位擅長漫畫的朋友，也默默傳了她關於那段「溫柔力量」談話的圖像詮釋。淡淡的畫風，彷彿原景重現，對我而言，那份感動，似乎又更深了一些...

有人以文字速譯向小英致敬、有人以圖像速寫向小英致敬──

而我，只能藉此臉書一角，向翻譯者、漫畫家，跟小英總統本人，獻上最誠心的祝福與感謝！

謝謝你們，讓台灣變成一個更好更美的地方。
　

──────────底下為英漢對照翻譯原文──────────

民進黨主席暨總統參選人蔡英文登上最新一期時代雜誌封面，標題是「她將可能領導華人世界唯一民主國家， She Could Lead The Only Chinese Democracy」。蔡主席是繼印度總理莫迪、印尼總統佐科威、韓國總統朴槿惠後，最新一位登上時代雜誌封面的亞洲領導人。

中英譯全文：

雜誌封面
She Could Lead the Only Chinese Democracy
And that makes Beijing nervous
她將可能領導華人世界唯一的民主國家
這讓北京感到緊張

目錄頁
Cover Story: Championing Taiwan
Presidential front runner Tsai Ing-wen wants to put the island’s interests first
封面故事：壯大台灣
總統大選領先者蔡英文要將台灣利益置於優先

內頁大標
‘The Next President Of Taiwan’
That’s how Tsai Ing-wen refers to herself. But will the island’s voters agree?
台灣的下一任總統
蔡英文是這樣認為。但是這座島嶼的選民會同意嗎？

內文
Emily Rauhala / 台北報導 Adam Ferguson / 攝影

Tsai Ing-wen is making breakfast. The presidential candidate cracks five eggs and lets them bubble with bacon in the pan. She stacks slices of thick, white toast. It’s a recipe adapted from British chef Jamie Oliver, but the ingredients, she can’t help but say, are pure Taiwan. The meat comes courtesy of Happy Pig, a farm near her spare but tasteful Taipei apartment, the bread from a neighborhood bakery. She offers me an orange. “Organic,” she says, in English. “And local, of course.”

蔡英文正在做早餐。這位總統候選人打了五個蛋，和著平底鍋裡面的培根一起吱吱作響，再把一片片白色的厚片土司疊起來。料理手法學自英國名廚傑米奧利佛（Jamie Oliver），但是她忍不住要說，烹調食材屬於最純粹的台灣原料。培根來自「快樂豬」農場，距離她那簡單卻有品味的公寓不遠，而麵包是從她家附近的烘培坊買來的。她遞了一顆橘子給我，用英文跟我說：「有機的！當然也是在地的。」

This is not an average breakfast for the 58-year-old lawyer turned politician running to become Taiwan’s next President—most days she grabs a coffee and books it to the car. But it is, in many ways, oh so Tsai. The Taipei-raised, U.S.- and U.K.-educated former negotiator wrote her doctoral thesis on international trade law. As a minister, party chair and presidential candidate (she narrowly lost to two-term incumbent Ma Ying-jeou in the 2012 race), Tsai gained a reputation for being wonky—the type who likes to debate protectionism over early-morning sips of black coffee or oolong tea.

對於這位58歲、從律師轉變成政治人物的總統候選人來說，這可不是她平常吃的早餐。她通常隨手抓一杯咖啡在車上喝。不過許多方面來說，這應該可以算是一貫的「蔡式」風格。這位在臺北長大、在英美留學過的談判專家，博士論文寫的是國際貿易法。在她當陸委 會主委、民進黨主席、總統候選人期間（她在2012年的總統大選中以些微差距輸給了馬英九總統），得到學院派的風評──她是那種喜歡在早上喝黑咖啡或烏龍茶時，跟你辯論保護主義的人。

Now, as the early front runner in Taiwan’s January 2016 presidential election, her vision for the island is proudly, defiantly, Taiwan-centric. Tsai says she would maintain the political status quo across the strait with China—essentially, both Taipei and Beijing agreeing to disagree as to which represents the one, true China, leaving the question of the island’s fate to the future. But Tsai wants to put Taiwan’s economy, development and culture first. While Ma and his government have pushed for new trade and tourism pacts with Beijing—China accounts for some 40% of Taiwan’s exports—Tsai aims to lessen the island’s dependence on the mainland by building global ties and championing local brands. “Taiwan needs a new model, ” she tells TIME.

現在，身為在2016年台灣總統大選中的領先者，蔡英文的願景充滿自信又堅定地強調以台灣為核心。蔡英文說她會維持兩岸的現狀──這指的是說臺北與北京彼此同意對於何者代表中國保留不同的認知（註明：這是時代雜誌記者的見解），並且把這個島嶼的命運留給未來決定。但，蔡英文想要將台灣的經濟、發展與文化置於首位。當馬英九和他的政府推動與中國的貿易及觀光協議時（中國占台灣出口的百分之四十），蔡英文希望加強與世界連結、扶植台灣品牌，以降低台灣對中國的依賴。她對時代雜誌說：「台灣需要一個新模式」。

Whether voters share her vision is a question that matters beyond Taipei. Taiwan is tiny, with a population of only 23 million, but its economy—powered by electronics, agriculture and tourism—ranks about mid-20s in the world by GDP size, with a GDP per capita about thrice that of China’s. Ceded by China’s Qing dynasty to Japan after the 1894–95 First Sino-Japanese War, colonized by Tokyo for half a century, then seized by Nationalist forces fleeing the Communists at the end of the Chinese civil war, Taiwan has long been a pawn in a regional great game. It is a linchpin for the U.S. in East Asia alongside Japan, South Korea and the Philippines, and, most important, it’s the only real democracy in the Chinese-speaking world.
“This election matters because it’s a window into democracy rooted in Chinese tradition,” says Lung Ying-tai, an author and social commentator who recently stepped down as Culture Minister. “Because of Taiwan, the world is able to envision a different China.”

台灣的選民是否同意她的願景，是一件擴及台北以外的事情。台灣的土地雖小，只有兩千三百萬的人口，但是經濟因電子業，農業以及觀光業的支，以國內生產毛額來說在世界排名第二十幾名。台灣的國內人均產值則是中國的三倍。台灣在1894-95的中日戰爭被中國清朝割讓後，被日本殖民了半個世紀；之後在中國內戰結束時逃避共產黨的國民黨勢力給佔領。長期以來台灣是區域競爭中的一個棋子。在美國的東亞布局中，台灣、日本、南韓及菲律賓同為最關鍵的環節。更重要的是，台灣是在華語世界中唯一一個真正的民主國家。甫卸任文化部長的作者與社會評論員龍應台表示：「這場選舉很重要，因為它提供了一個窗口，讓外界一探以中華文化為根基的民主……因為台灣，世界得以想像一個不一樣的中國。」

Taiwan’s politics irritate and befuddle Beijing. To the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Taiwan is the province that got away, a living, breathing, voting reminder of what could happen to China if the CCP loosens its grip on its periphery, from Tibet to Xinjiang to Hong Kong. Beijing is particularly wary of a change in government from Ma’s relatively China-friendly Kuomintang (KMT) to Tsai’s firmly China-skeptic Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). When Tsai ran for President in 2012, Beijing blasted her, without actually naming her, as a “troublemaker” and “splittist”—CCP-speak reserved for Dalai Lama–level foes. “A DPP government means uncertainty for cross-strait ties,” says Lin Gang, a Taiwan specialist at Shanghai Jiao Tong University’s School of International and Public Affairs.

台灣的政治讓北京感到惱怒又百思不解。對中國共產黨來說，台灣是一個逃走的省，也是對中國活生生的提醒──若中國鬆懈對於香港、西藏及新疆等非核心地區的掌控時，可能會發生的事。北京對於台灣的政權，由對中國相對友善的馬政府輪替到對中國保持疑慮的民進黨，抱持格外戒慎的態度。蔡英文在2012年參選總統的時候，北京雖然沒有指名道姓，卻明顯對她大肆抨擊，說她是一個「麻煩製造者」或「分裂主義者」——在共產黨的術語中，這些話專門達賴喇嘛這一層級的仇敵。任教於上海交通大學國際與公共關係學院的台灣事務專家林岡說：「民進黨政府代表的是兩岸關係的不確定性。」

To the U.S., which is bound by the Taiwan Relations Act to come to the island’ s aid if it’s attacked, Taiwan is a longtime friend and unofficial ally, though the strength of that friendship is being tested by China’s rise. Washington worries that Taiwan’s people, especially its youth, are growing warier of China, and that any conflict between the two might draw in the U.S.
“What this election has done is crystallize the changes, the shift in public opinion,” says Shelley Rigger, a Taiwan scholar at Davidson College in North Carolina and the author of Why Taiwan Matters. “I don’t think cross-strait relations are going to be easy going forward, and that’s not something U.S. policymakers want to hear.”

對美國來說，根據《台灣關係法》，在台灣受到武力攻擊的情況下，須協防台灣。台灣是美國長期友邦和非正式盟國，儘管兩國之間友誼的強度正受到中國崛起的考驗。華府擔心台灣人民，特別是年輕人，對於中國的警戒心逐漸提高，而兩者之間的衝突可能會把美國牽扯進來。著有《台灣為何重要》（Why Taiwan Matters）一書的美國北卡羅來那州戴維森大學（Davidson College）教授任雪麗（Shelley Rigger）說：「這場選舉讓所有的改變具體化，反映出民意板塊的移動……我不認為接下來的兩岸關係會更融洽，而這不是美國的政策制定者想要聽到的東西。」

The KMT has yet to formally nominate a candidate for the top job, but the favorite is Hung Hsiu-chu, the legislature’s female deputy speaker. Nicknamed ”little hot pepper” because of her diminutive stature and feisty manner, Hung, 67, would be a contrast to the more professorial Tsai should she get the KMT’s nod. “I don’t think [Tsai] is a strong opponent,” Hung tells TIME. Yet the DPP’s choice, who has already started pressing the flesh islandwide, is spirited too. “People have this vision of me as a conservative person, but I’m actually quite adventurous,” she says. And possessed of a sharp sense of humor—when I compliment her cooking, Tsai looks at me with mock exasperation: “I have a Ph.D., you know.”

國民黨雖然還未正式提名總統候選人，但目前最被看好的就是立法院副院長洪秀柱。因為身材嬌小與好戰性格而被封為「小辣椒」的洪秀柱（67歲），如果獲黨的提名，將與擁有學者形象的蔡英文，呈現顯著的對比。洪秀柱向時代記者表示：「我不認為蔡英文是一位強的對手」。然而，民進黨的候選人已經士氣高昂，在全台各地展開競選活動。蔡英文說：「有些人認為我是一個保守的人，但我其實是很愛冒險的」。她有一種犀利的幽默感──當我讚美她的廚藝時，她用搞笑的語氣假裝惱怒說：「我可是擁有博士學位的。」

Tsai grew up in a home on Taipei’s Zhongshan Road North, a street named after Taiwan’s symbolic father, Sun Yat-sen, the Chinese revolutionary who helped overthrow the Qing and co-founded the KMT. Her own father, an auto mechanic turned property developer, was of the Confucian kind: he encouraged her to study hard but also expected her, as the youngest daughter, to devote herself to his care. “I was not considered a kid that would be successful in my career,” says Tsai.

蔡英文在台北的中山北路長大，這條街是以革命推翻清朝、成立國民黨並視為國父的孫逸仙命名。她的父親是一位修車技師，後來成為土地開發商。他承襲了儒家思想，希望蔡英文要用功讀書，但也期許身為小女兒的蔡英文可以留在父親身邊照顧他。蔡英文說：「我小時候不是一個被認為未來會有成就的孩子。」

After attending university in Taiwan, she studied law at Cornell in New York because, she says, it seemed the place for a young woman who “wanted to have a revolutionary life.” From there she went to the London School of Economics, where she earned her Ph.D., also in law, in less than three years. “That pleased my father,” she says. When he called her home, she obliged, returning to Taiwan to teach and, in 1994, to enter government in a series of high- profile but mostly policy-oriented roles in the Fair Trade Commission, National Security Council and Mainland Affairs Council.

在台灣大學畢業後，她前往紐約州康乃爾大學研讀法律，因為她說，這是一個「想過革命性的生活」的年輕女子該去的地方。之後，她前往倫敦政治經濟學院攻讀法學博士，並且三年不到就獲得學位。她說：「這讓我父親很高興」。她遵從父親的意思返回台灣，先回大學教書並在1994年進入政府，出任公平交易委員會、國安會及陸委會等一系列重要的、政策導向的職位。

Even close supporters say Tsai was, and perhaps still is, an unlikely politician, especially for the DPP. Taiwan’s opposition party was forged in struggle and led by veterans of the democracy movement—a fight Tsai mostly missed. The Kaohsiung Incident in 1979—a human-rights rally that was violently broken up by security forces, galvanizing the democracy movement— took place while Tsai was overseas, cocooned in the ivory tower. If the archetypal DPP operative is a bare-knuckle street fighter, Tsai is an Olympic fencer—restrained and precise.

就連許多親近蔡英文的支持者都認為，蔡英文是一位非典型的政治人物，特別就民進黨而言。身為在野黨的民進黨，在台灣民主運動的奮鬥過程中焠煉而成，由民主運動的老兵所成立，這是一場蔡英文錯過的戰役。1979年高雄的美麗島事件，當一場人權遊行遭警政單位暴力驅散，而後來激勵了台灣的民主運動，蔡英文當時正在國外求學，受到象牙塔的庇護。若說民進黨的典型人物是赤手空拳的街頭鬥士，蔡英文則是一位奧林匹克級的劍術家：自我克制又精確到位。

She stepped into the spotlight in 2008, becoming party chair when the DPP found itself booted from office, with its chief Chen Shui-bian, the outgoing President, later convicted of corruption. While she possessed a deep knowledge of policy, Tsai did not then seem like a leader. “She used to sort of hide behind me when we went door to door,” recalls legislator Hsiao Bi-khim, a longtime colleague and friend. “People compared her to a lost bunny in the forest, with wolves surrounding, both from within the party and outside.

在2008年民進黨失去政權，而前總統陳水扁隨即遭貪汙罪起訴的時刻，蔡英文踏入了鎂光燈下，成為民進黨主席。雖然蔡英文對於政策擁有深度的瞭解，但當時她還不像一位領導人。長期以來是她同事與朋友的立法委員蕭美琴說「以前當我們挨家挨戶去拜訪時，她有點會躲在我身後」。「有些形容她為一個在森林裡迷路的兔子，被黨內與黨外的狼群包圍。」

After an unsuccessful 2010 mayoral bid, Tsai ran for, and also lost, the presidency in 2012. Jason Liu, a veteran DPP speechwriter, says now that the campaign did not “sell” Tsai well enough. The ideas were strong, but the delivery left “distance between her and the voters.” Ironically, it was not until her concession speech that Tsai seemed to connect emotionally with Taiwan’s citizens. “You may cry,” she told the tearful crowd. “But don’t lose heart.”

2010年，蔡英文參與市長選舉失利，在2012年也沒順利當選總統。民進黨資深文膽劉建忻表示，當時的競選總部對於「行銷」蔡英文這個概念，做得不夠好；雖然擁有許多好點子，但是執行上還是「讓選民感到有所距離」。諷刺地，一直到敗選感言，蔡英文才似乎與台灣人民產生情感上的連結。她對含著淚水的群眾表示：「你可以哭泣，但不能洩氣。」

A lot has changed since 2012. Eleven hours after making eggs, with a policy meeting, a cross-country train ride and a harbor tour behind her, Tsai is addressing a couple hundred students at a university in the southern city of Kaohsiung, a DPP stronghold. She’s in lecture mode, at ease, talking about her party’s economic plans: stronger regional links and a focus on innovation to support small businesses. “How many of you went to Taipei for the Sunflower protests?” she asks in Mandarin. At least a third raise their hands.

2012年之後的台灣，歷經了許多改變。蔡英文煎蛋後的11個小時後，歷經了一場政策會議、搭乘高鐵從北一路向南、緊接著進行高雄碼頭導覽。她抵達南台灣民進黨的重鎮高雄，向數百位大學生發表演說。她以一派輕鬆的授課模式，闡述著民進黨的經濟計畫：加強區域間的連結，並聚焦於支持創新的小型經濟。她用中文詢問在場學生「你們之中有多少人去台北參加過太陽花學運？」現場至少有三分之一的學生舉起了手。

Taiwan’s students were once seen as apathetic. But during spring last year, Taipei was swept up by thousands-strong demonstrations over a services pact with China. Student and civic groups worried that the deal could hurt Taiwan’s economy and leave it vulnerable to pressure from Beijing. They felt it was pushed through without adequate public scrutiny. The Sunflower Movement, as it came to be called after a florist donated bundles of the blooms, grew into a grassroots revolt, culminating in the March 18 storming of the legislature.

台灣的學生過去一度被視為相當冷漠。但是在去年的春天，台北市被數以千計的抗議者淹沒，反對與中國簽訂的服務貿易協議。學生與公民團體擔憂這個協議會傷害台灣經濟，讓台灣的經濟受制於中國壓力而變得脆弱。他們也認為，服貿協議的推動並沒有經過適當的公民審議。太陽花運動是民間累積的抗爭與不滿，在3月18日這天一舉衝進立法院，運動的稱號是由於抗爭期間一位花販捐贈了大量太陽花而因此命名。

The movement was grounded in questions of social justice. Since coming to power in 2008, Ma has argued that cross-strait commerce is the key to the island’s fortunes, signing 21 trade deals. Yet young people in particular wonder if the deals benefit only Big Business on both sides of the strait. They say rapprochement with Beijing has left them none the richer, and agonize over the high cost of housing, flat wages and the possibility of local jobs going to China. A sign during a protest outside the Presidential Palace on March 30 last year captured the mood: “We don’t have another Taiwan to sell.”

這個運動的主要訴求就是社會正義。自從國民黨2008年執政以來，簽訂了21個兩岸貿易協定，馬英九主張兩岸的商業往來是台灣最關鍵的財富來源。但是年輕人質疑這項論述，他們認為這些貿易協議只有兩岸的大財團獲利。他們說北京的和解政策並沒有讓年輕人變得富有，反而讓他們受困於高房價、停滯的薪資、以及在地工作機會可能流失到中國的可能性。在去年3月30日於總統府外的抗議中，有個標語最能捕捉整體的社會氛圍：「台灣只有一個，賣了就沒了！」

The emphasis on quality of life, and not just macro-indicators, is good news for Tsai. Her vision for a more economically independent Taiwan did not sway the electorate in 2012 but may now have stronger appeal. The KMT, bruised by the Sunflower protests and then battered by fed-up voters in midterm polls last fall, is trying to remake itself as a more populist party. Timothy Yang, a former Foreign Minister who is now vice president of the National Policy Foundation, the KMT’s think tank, says the party stands by its cross-strait record. But even Yang, a KMT stalwart, is keen to address the issue of equity:
“The benefits of this interaction with mainland China should be shared with the general public.”

台灣社會對於生活品質的重視，而非僅僅強調宏觀經濟指標，對蔡英文來說是件好事。她希望打造一個經濟上更加獨立的台灣，雖然這個理念在2012年並沒有說動選民，但，現在可能更有吸引力。國民黨在太陽花運動中受到重創，在去年秋天的期中選舉中又再度被選民以選票教訓。現在，國民黨試圖把自己再造成一個民粹的政黨。目前擔任國民黨智庫『國家政策基金會』副董事長的前外交部長楊進添先生受訪時說道，「國民黨堅持其兩岸的立場」。但即便像楊進添這樣堅定的國民黨員，也熱衷於解決公平的議題。他說：「兩岸互動的利益，應該要與全民共享！」

Tsai should easily carry traditional DPP support: much of the south, the youth vote, and those who identify as Taiwanese and who are not a part of the elite that came from China after the CCP victory in 1949. The DPP’s missing link is Big Business, which supports the KMT and closer ties with the mainland, where many Taiwan companies are invested. Tsai recognizes that this is a constituency she needs to woo but doesn’t seem clear as to how, beyond saying, “Our challenge is to produce something that is sensible to both sides without being considered as a traitor to the friends we used to be with when we were an opposition party.”

蔡英文要得到傳統民進黨的支持並不難，例如南部選民、年輕選票、還有那些認同自己是台灣人，而不是1949年中國共產黨勝利後來自中國的精英份子。然而，民進黨缺乏與大企業的連結，因為台灣企業大量投資大陸，而其中這些大財團多半支持國民黨，以及與大陸建立更緊密的關係。蔡英文也理解到這是她必須要去吸引的一群選民，但是對於如何進行並沒有太清楚的圖像。她說：「我們的挑戰是要去創造雙方都認為合理的立場，又不能被我們在野時的朋友認為是叛徒。」

That will be hard. The KMT has long argued that it, not the DPP, is best qualified to run the economy, which, corruption apart, did not do well under Chen. Tsai’s supporters concede that many citizens feel the same way—that the DPP can be an effective opposition but not administration. “The KMT has always portrayed itself as more suited to guide the economy,” says J. Michael Cole, a Taipei-based senior fellow with the University of Nottingham’s China Policy Institute and a senior officer at Tsai’s Thinking Taiwan Foundation. “There’s this stubborn perception that a DPP government would be bad for business.”

這是困難的挑戰。國民黨長期主張自己比民進黨更擅長治理經濟，尤其陳水扁執政時期除了貪污，經濟表現並不好。蔡英文的支持者也同意，確實有些民眾認為民進黨可是一個稱職的反對黨，但不是執政黨。諾丁漢大學中國政策研究中心資深研究員暨小英基金會資深主管寇謐將（J. Michael Cole）說：「國民黨把自己描繪是一個更適合主導經濟的政黨。另外也有一種僵化的刻版印象，認為民進黨執政對企業不利。」

It’s a narrative that the CCP backs and may well float as the campaign progresses, either directly, in China’s state-controlled press, or indirectly, through, for instance, its connections in Taiwan’s business community. “Beijing is going to want to make a point through all sorts of channels, including Big Business, that cross-strait relations will not be as smooth if you vote a government into power that has not accepted the foundation that has underpinned developments of the last eight years,” says Alan Romberg, a distinguished fellow at the Stimson Center, a Washington, D.C., think tank.

這種論調受到中國共產黨的支持，並且今隨著選戰的進展不斷被拋出。共產黨可能直接地利用中國控制的媒體影響選舉，或是間接地透過中國與台灣商業界的連結。美國華府智庫史汀森研究中心（Stimson Center）資深學者容安瀾（Alan Romberg）說：「北京將會透過大企業等各種管道來闡述其立場，表明要是台灣人民讓一個不接受過去八年兩岸發展基
礎的政府執政，兩岸關係的發展將不會如現在一樣平順。」

Beijing has never been receptive to a DPP government, but it is particularly negative now. Since coming to power in 2012, China’s leader Xi Jinping has proved himself to be more assertive and nationalistic than most expected, a man not eager to compromise. Last September he told a delegation from the island that China and Taiwan might be one day be reunited under Hong Kong’s “one country, two systems” formula, which is rejected by both the KMT and DPP and, surveys consistently show, the vast majority of Taiwan’s people. This May, Xi warned again about the danger of “separatist forces”—a comment widely interpreted as a swipe at the DPP.

北京對於民進黨政權的接受度向來不高，但現在尤其抱持負面的態度。中國領導人習近平在2012年掌權後，證明自己比外界想像的還更加武斷，帶有更強烈的民族主義色彩，是一個不輕易妥協的人。去年九月，他對一個來自台灣的代表團說，中國和台灣可望採用香港「一國兩制」的模式統一，然而這卻是一個國民黨和民進黨都反對的方案，而且民調也一再顯示，絕大多數的台灣人民無法接受。今年五月，習近平再度警告「分裂主義勢力」會帶來的危險──這段說詞普遍被外界詮釋為對民進黨的抨擊。

Cross-strait relations are managed according to the so-called 1992 Consensus reached by Beijing and Taipei (then also governed by the KMT), a formula the KMT’s Yang calls “a masterpiece of ambiguity.” Under the 1992 Consensus, both sides acknowledge that there is only one China, but without specifying what exactly that means. This, Yang says, has allowed the KMT to move forward on bilateral trade, transport and tourism without being forced to address whether “one China” is the China imagined by Beijing or by Taipei.

兩岸關係是治理目前根據北京和台北（當時為國民黨執政）之間所謂的九二共識，這是一個被國民黨的楊進添形容為「模糊性的一大鉅作」的政策。根據九二共識，雙方承認只有一個中國，但不表明一個中國的確切意含。楊進添說，這讓國民黨在推展雙邊貿易、交通和觀光方面得以取得進展，而不需被迫去回答「一個中國」究竟是北京或是台北心目中的中國。

The DPP has long promoted de jure independence. The first clause in its charter calls for “the establishment of an independent sovereignty known as the Republic of Taiwan,” not the Republic of China, Taiwan’s official name. This platform resonates with the DPP base but is increasingly untenable given China’s economic clout and growing power on the world stage. While the first DPP presidency under Chen was hardly a break from the past, it did see a cooling with Beijing. Things warmed again under Ma. Lin, the Taiwan expert at Shanghai Jiao Tong University, says Tsai is somewhere between Chen and Ma: “If she wins the election, she will not pursue Taiwan in dependence. But she will not promote the development of the cross-strait relationship as Ma Ying-jeou did.”

民進黨過去長期以來推動台灣的法理獨立。民進黨黨綱第一條闡明「建立主權獨立自主的台灣共和國」，而非台灣的正式國號中華民國。這個立場獲得民進黨基本盤的認同，卻在中國的經濟實力成長與中國在世界舞台上崛起之下，越來越無法實現。儘管陳水扁主政時期的民進黨政府跟過去的政策並無太大差別，但跟北京的關係確實趨向冷淡。馬英九主政時期兩岸關係再度暖化。上海交通大學的台灣專家林岡說，蔡英文的立場介於馬英九和陳水扁之間。他說：「如果她勝選，她不會追求台灣獨立。但她也不會像馬英九一樣推動兩岸關係的發展。」

Tsai stresses that she will not alter the politics between Taiwan and China, but she is vague about whether she will repeal the DPP’s independence clause. And unification? That, she says, “is something you have to resolve democratically—it is a decision to be made by the people here.”

蔡英文強調她不會改變台灣和中國之間的政治關係，但對於是否撤回台獨條文卻是依然維持模糊。至於統一呢？她說：「那是必須經由民主程序解決的事情——這是一個必須經由此地的人民來做的決定。」

Hung, Tsai’s potential KMT opponent, says the DPP flag bearer needs to clarify her stance on cross-strait relations. “People ask her, ‘What is the status quo?’ and she can’t say anything specific,” says Hung. The KMT’s Yang offers a metaphor: “Before you harvest, you have to plow the land, transplant the seedlings, fertilize; all the work … has been done by the KMT, and yet they are going to harvest the crop?”

蔡英文的在對手洪秀柱說，民進黨的掌舵手需要清楚地闡明她對兩岸關係的立場。洪秀柱說：「大家問她『維持現狀是什麼意思？』，她卻沒有給具體的回應。」國民黨的楊進添用一個比喻：「在收割之前，要先耕地、播種、施肥；所有的工作……都已經被國民黨完成了，然而他們現在卻想要收割？」

Tsai believes she will win that right. Several days before I return to my Beijing base, over Taiwan-Japanese fusion in Kaohsiung, Tsai is quietly confident that she will gain the trust of Taiwan’s voters and secure victory, whatever Beijing might think. She puts a final piece of tuna on my plate. It’ s from Pingtung County in the south, where she was born. “Go back to Beijing,” says Tsai, “and tell them you were served by the next President of Taiwan.”

蔡英文相信她會贏得這項權利。在我返回北京駐點的前幾天，我們在一家位於高雄的台式日本料理小店用餐，蔡英文對於取得台灣選民的信任並贏得選戰，展現出低調的自信。當時，她把最後一片鮪魚夾到我的盤子上。那塊鮪魚來自南方的屏東，她的出生地。「妳回北京以後，告訴他們，」蔡英文說：「台灣的下一任總統曾經為妳服務過。」

—With reporting by Zoher Abdoolcarim, Gladys Tsai and Natalie Tso/Taipei

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圖片：猜猜看，認出畫風了嗎？^^

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