什麼是陰謀論（conspiracy theory）？在中文世界似乎還沒有人說得清楚這個問題。其實解答這個問題非常簡單。陰謀論就是一種烏托邦，是烏托邦意識形態在世俗層面的表現形式，讓那些沒有文化修養的愚夫愚婦也能聽懂的一套關於烏托邦的話術編排。其內核有些類似於基督教救恩思想和彌賽亞觀念的混合體。它遠古的文化根源還是諾斯替主義的二元對立思維。所以，陰謀論並不新鮮，它伴隨人類歷史的發展，其自身也有悠久的歷史傳統。陰謀論作為對烏托邦政治的有機補充，具有一定的社會煽動作用，是一種進行社會動員的工具。

今早為Asian Medical Students Association Hong Kong (AMSAHK)的新一屆執行委員會就職典禮作致詞分享嘉賓，題目為「疫情中的健康不公平」。
感謝他們的熱情款待以及為整段致詞拍了影片。以下我附上致詞的英文原稿：

It's been my honor to be invited to give the closing remarks for the Inauguration Ceremony for the incoming executive committee of the Asian Medical Students' Association Hong Kong (AMSAHK) this morning. A video has been taken for the remarks I made regarding health inequalities during the COVID-19 pandemic (big thanks to the student who withstood the soreness of her arm for holding the camera up for 15 minutes straight), and here's the transcript of the main body of the speech that goes with this video:

//The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, caused by the SARS-CoV-2 virus, continues to be rampant around the world since early 2020, resulting in more than 55 million cases and 1.3 million deaths worldwide as of today. (So no! It’s not a hoax for those conspiracy theorists out there!) A higher rate of incidence and deaths, as well as worse health-related quality of life have been widely observed in the socially disadvantaged groups, including people of lower socioeconomic position, older persons, migrants, ethnic minority and communities of color, etc. While epidemiologists and scientists around the world are dedicated in gathering scientific evidence on the specific causes and determinants of the health inequalities observed in different countries and regions, we can apply the Social Determinants of Health Conceptual Framework developed by the World Health Organization team led by the eminent Prof Sir Michael Marmot, world’s leading social epidemiologist, to understand and delineate these social determinants of health inequalities related to the COVID-19 pandemic.

According to this framework, social determinants of health can be largely categorized into two types – 1) the lower stream, intermediary determinants, and 2) the upper stream, structural and macro-environmental determinants. For the COVID-19 pandemic, we realized that the lower stream factors may include material circumstances, such as people’s living and working conditions. For instance, the nature of the occupations of these people of lower socioeconomic position tends to require them to travel outside to work, i.e., they cannot work from home, which is a luxury for people who can afford to do it. This lack of choice in the location of occupation may expose them to greater risk of infection through more transportation and interactions with strangers. We have also seen infection clusters among crowded places like elderly homes, public housing estates, and boarding houses for foreign domestic helpers. Moreover, these socially disadvantaged people tend to have lower financial and social capital – it can be observed that they were more likely to be deprived of personal protective equipment like face masks and hand sanitizers, especially during the earlier days of the pandemic. On the other hand, the upper stream, structural determinants of health may include policies related to public health, education, macroeconomics, social protection and welfare, as well as our governance… and last, but not least, our culture and values. If the socioeconomic and political contexts are not favorable to the socially disadvantaged, their health and well-being will be disproportionately affected by the pandemic. Therefore, if we, as a society, espouse to address and reduce the problem of health inequalities, social determinants of health cannot be overlooked in devising and designing any public health-related strategies, measures and policies.

Although a higher rate of incidence and deaths have been widely observed in the socially disadvantaged groups, especially in countries with severe COVID-19 outbreaks, this phenomenon seems to be less discussed and less covered by media in Hong Kong, where the disease incidence is relatively low when compared with other countries around the world. Before the resurgence of local cases in early July, local spread of COVID-19 was sporadic and most cases were imported. In the earlier days of the pandemic, most cases were primarily imported by travelers and return-students studying overseas, leading to a minor surge between mid-March and mid-April of 874 new cases. Most of these cases during Spring were people who could afford to travel and study abroad, and thus tended to be more well-off. Therefore, some would say the expected social gradient in health impact did not seem to exist in Hong Kong, but may I remind you that, it is only the case when we focus on COVID-19-specific incidence and mortality alone. But can we really deduce from this that COVID-19-related health inequality does not exist in Hong Kong? According to the Social Determinants of Health Framework mentioned earlier, the obvious answer is “No, of course not.” And here’s why…

In addition to the direct disease burden, the COVID-19 outbreak and its associated containment measures (such as economic lockdown, mandatory social distancing, and change of work arrangements) could have unequal wider socioeconomic impacts on the general population, especially in regions with pervasive existing social inequalities. Given the limited resources and capacity of the socioeconomically disadvantaged to respond to emergency and adverse events, their general health and well-being are likely to be unduly and inordinately affected by the abrupt changes in their daily economic and social conditions, like job loss and insecurity, brought about by the COVID-19 outbreak and the corresponding containment and mitigation measures of which the main purpose was supposedly disease prevention and health protection at the first place. As such, focusing only on COVID-19 incidence or mortality as the outcomes of concern to address health inequalities may leave out important aspects of life that contributes significantly to people’s health. Recently, my research team and I collaborated with Sir Michael Marmot in a Hong Kong study, and found that the poor people in Hong Kong fared worse in every aspects of life than their richer counterparts in terms of economic activity, personal protective equipment, personal hygiene practice, as well as well-being and health after the COVID-19 outbreak. We also found that part of the observed health inequality can be attributed to the pandemic and its related containment measures via people’s concerns over their own and their families’ livelihood and economic activity. In other words, health inequalities were contributed by the pandemic even in a city where incidence is relatively low through other social determinants of health that directly concerned the livelihood and economic activity of the people. So in this study, we confirmed that focusing only on the incident and death cases as the outcomes of concern to address health inequalities is like a story half-told, and would severely truncate and distort the reality.

Truth be told, health inequality does not only appear after the pandemic outbreak of COVID-19, it is a pre-existing condition in countries and regions around the world, including Hong Kong. My research over the years have consistently shown that people in lower socioeconomic position tend to have worse physical and mental health status. Nevertheless, precisely because health inequality is nothing new, there are always voices in our society trying to dismiss the problem, arguing that it is only natural to have wealth inequality in any capitalistic society. However, in reckoning with health inequalities, we need to go beyond just figuring out the disparities or differences in health status between the poor and the rich, and we need to raise an ethically relevant question: are these inequalities, disparities and differences remediable? Can they be fixed? Can we do something about them? If they are remediable, and we can do something about them but we haven’t, then we’d say these inequalities are ultimately unjust and unfair. In other words, a society that prides itself in pursuing justice must, and I say must, strive to address and reduce these unfair health inequalities. Borrowing the words from famed sociologist Judith Butler, “the virus alone does not discriminate,” but “social and economic inequality will make sure that it does.” With COVID-19, we learn that it is not only the individuals who are sick, but our society. And it’s time we do something about it.

Thank you very much!//

Please join me in congratulating the incoming executive committee of AMSAHK and giving them the best wishes for their future endeavor!

Roger Chung, PhD
Assistant Professor, CUHK JC School of Public Health and Primary Care, @CUHK Medicine, The Chinese University of Hong Kong 香港中文大學 - CUHK
Associate Director, CUHK Institute of Health Equity

#NBC將Hunter假新聞源頭指向台港_甘安捏
#Hunter硬碟內的資料可沒人敢說是假的

這兩天看到國內外網路出現駭人聽聞的標題，指稱NBC將Hunter假新聞源頭指向台港

本院詳細查詢NBC網站，核對如下：
#NBC方面
1.文章來自這一篇：How a fake persona laid the groundwork for a Hunter Biden conspiracy deluge
一個虛假的人設，如何為杭特拜登的陰謀論蔓延設下基礎
https://www.nbcnews.com/…/how-fake-persona-laid-groundwork-…

2.內容指稱網路一份64頁報告，關於Hunter與其父拜登在中國事業，是由Typhoon Investigations公司傳播，根據NBC查證，發表該文件的作者Martin Aspen，是虛傳的人名

3.該文檔的原始發布者之一，Christopher Balding承認文件作者Aspen是虛構出來的，Aspen頭像也被證實是AI合成

4.NBC連結New York post刊登的Hunter硬碟門，表示NYP 與Jiuliani的爆料可能都沒有依據

5.Balding表示自己受到蘋果日報（Apple Daily）委託撰寫報告

6.Typhoon Investigations的logo是#盜用台灣事實查核中心 的圖像

#蘋果日報釐清
1.Balding聲稱受蘋果日報委託發表一份調查Hunter 與中國生意往來的報告，香港蘋果及台灣蘋果日報，已先後發聲明否認有關。

2.黎智英的私人助理Mark Simon曾與Balding聯繫委託其調查，Simon並曾在黎智英的私人公司中提取1萬美元支付調查開支，目前Simon已經辭職負責。黎智英今日確認相關款項來自他的私人公司，但強調自己毫不知情，事件亦與壹傳媒集團及《蘋果日報》無關

3.香港蘋果日報今日發表聲明否認，從無委託Balding或任何人撰寫任何報告

4.台灣《蘋果日報》表示本月曾經獨家報道亨特拜登及其好友林俊良在台灣的活動，台蘋亦發表聲明否認曾經委託或參與撰寫報告

#水鏡分析
1.看完前因後果，可以知道這件事跟台灣與香港無關，就是NBC指控蘋果日報找Balding，用Aspen這個虛擬人物，做了一份64頁關於Hunter與中國公司聯繫的報告

2.NBC並沒有認為台灣跟香港散步陰謀論，而是劍指Balding與蘋果日報，把事件聯繫到香港跟台灣全體的，反而是中文的網路圈。

在評論『NBC指稱台港Hunter陰謀論』相關文章要小心，這可能是有心人可以利用該新聞來殺傷社群KOL的公信力

3.NBC把事件拉到Hunter的硬碟門真實性有待查驗，某方面也是在為其沒有刊登硬碟門開脫

4.找Balding發報告，黎智英是否知情，還是一切是其助理Simon搶功不得而知，有待後續調查。

5.即便Balding報告有杜撰之嫌，用虛擬人物發文涉及欺騙。但這跟Hunter硬碟資料是獨立事件。
如果說硬碟事件是原著，Balding的報告就是同人誌。

後者的虛假不會影響前者是否真實。

NBC的標題也有刻意引導人們：關於Hunter的不利醜聞都是來自虛擬人格的杜撰

越是選舉光怪陸離越多，大家一起小心求證

#鳳

近年來特區政府工作變得越來越簡單，每天就是發言攻擊假新聞、陰謀論，然後動用內地黨媒助拳。最近全民檢測便是典型例子，即使用到黨媒黨官，最後市民選擇仍然是不信任政府。至於警察的發言或新聞稿，也同樣將一切問題歸咎抹黑、假新聞及陰謀論。在他們眼中，黃絲是一群刁民、偏執狂或政治盲目狂熱分子。

對他們而言，7.21、8.31、新屋嶺，陳彥霖、周梓樂死亡事件是攻擊警察的陰謀論炒作，面對質問總是擺出一副嗤之以鼻的態度。但究竟政權本身有沒有反省過他們眼中的「陰謀論」是如何產生，市民為何會接受。他們當然不會，因為政權也同樣以「陰謀論」去面對反送中，認為整個反送中運動背後有一個無處不在的「外來勢力」在操控，幕後控制所有宣傳、IT、街頭運動、議會等策略。究竟「陰謀論」是如何在香港社會蔓延呢？

其實，人的本性就有猜疑心，而且從「陰謀論」角度看問題的，也不是甚麼無知之徒，反而很多是關心社會、相信正義、善惡二分的普羅大眾。上述的觀點來自「陰謀論」心理研究權威Rob Brotherton的作品《Suspicious Minds: Why We Believe Conspiracy Theories》，中文版名字叫《為什麼我們會相信陰謀論？》作者認為普羅大眾相信陰謀論，根本是社會的常態，正如你向好友發了個短訊，遲遲不獲回覆，這時你想是否上次見面時說過某句話得罪了他，或是思疑對方是否在疏遠自己，實情是對方可能在忙罷了。相信陰謀論不等如偏執，「當你在懷疑別人不值得信任時，尤其是權威當局，你就可能不太採信『官方』的說法。如果你認為多數人都有邪惡的動機，你自然會覺得陰謀論很有道理。偏執向來與陰謀論如影隨形，但陰謀論並不專屬於偏激人士，因為偏執並非是偏激人士專屬的個性。」

影片:
【我是南丫島人】23歲仔獲cafe免費借位擺一人咖啡檔 $6,000租住350呎村屋：愛這裏互助關係 (果籽 Apple Daily) (https://youtu.be/XSugNPyaXFQ)
【香港蠔 足本版】流浮山白蠔收成要等三年半 天然生曬肥美金蠔日產僅50斤 即撈即食中環名人坊蜜餞金蠔 西貢六福酥炸生蠔 (果籽 Apple Daily) (https://youtu.be/Fw653R1aQ6s)
【這夜給惡人基一封信】大佬茅躉華日夜思念 回憶從8歲開始：兄弟有今生沒來世 (壹週刊 Next) (https://youtu.be/t06qjQbRIpY)
【太子餃子店】新移民唔怕蝕底自薦包餃子 粗重功夫一腳踢 老闆刮目相看邀開店：呢個女人唔係女人(飲食男女 Apple Daily) https://youtu.be/7CUTg7LXQ4M)
【娛樂人物】情願市民留家唔好出街聚餐 鄧一君兩麵舖執笠蝕200萬 (蘋果日報 Apple Daily) (https://youtu.be/e3agbTOdfoY)

果籽 ：http://as.appledaily.com
籽想旅行：http://travelseed.hk
健康蘋台： http://applehealth.com.hk
動物蘋台： http://applepetform.com

#劉細良 #城寨 #讀書好 #陰謀論 #假新聞
#果籽 #StayHome #WithMe #跟我一樣 #宅在家

近年來特區政府工作變得越來越簡單，每天就是發言攻擊假新聞、陰謀論，然後動用內地黨媒助拳。最近全民檢測便是典型例子，即使用到黨媒黨官，最後市民選擇仍然是不信任政府。至於警察的發言或新聞稿，也同樣將一切問題歸咎抹黑、假新聞及陰謀論。在他們眼中，黃絲是一群刁民、偏執狂或政治盲目狂熱分子。

對他們而言，7.21、8.31、新屋嶺，陳彥霖、周梓樂死亡事件是攻擊警察的陰謀論炒作，面對質問總是擺出一副嗤之以鼻的態度。但究竟政權本身有沒有反省過他們眼中的「陰謀論」是如何產生，市民為何會接受。他們當然不會，因為政權也同樣以「陰謀論」去面對反送中，認為整個反送中運動背後有一個無處不在的「外來勢力」在操控，幕後控制所有宣傳、IT、街頭運動、議會等策略。究竟「陰謀論」是如何在香港社會蔓延呢？

其實，人的本性就有猜疑心，而且從「陰謀論」角度看問題的，也不是甚麼無知之徒，反而很多是關心社會、相信正義、善惡二分的普羅大眾。上述的觀點來自「陰謀論」心理研究權威Rob Brotherton的作品《Suspicious Minds: Why We Believe Conspiracy Theories》，中文版名字叫《為什麼我們會相信陰謀論？》作者認為普羅大眾相信陰謀論，根本是社會的常態，正如你向好友發了個短訊，遲遲不獲回覆，這時你想是否上次見面時說過某句話得罪了他，或是思疑對方是否在疏遠自己，實情是對方可能在忙罷了。相信陰謀論不等如偏執，「當你在懷疑別人不值得信任時，尤其是權威當局，你就可能不太採信『官方』的說法。如果你認為多數人都有邪惡的動機，你自然會覺得陰謀論很有道理。偏執向來與陰謀論如影隨形，但陰謀論並不專屬於偏激人士，因為偏執並非是偏激人士專屬的個性。」

果籽 ：http://as.appledaily.com
籽想旅行：http://travelseed.hk
健康蘋台： http://applehealth.com.hk
動物蘋台： http://applepetform.com

相關影片:
【我是南丫島人】23歲仔獲cafe免費借位擺一人咖啡檔 $6,000租住350呎村屋：愛這裏互助關係 (果籽 Apple Daily) (https://youtu.be/XSugNPyaXFQ)
【尋找以色列 - 足本版】日日炮彈聲送飯 港夫婦耶路撒冷開麵店女兒當兵「呢度係全世界最安全地方！」 (果籽 Apple Daily) (https://youtu.be/cyfMJ1OOPKY)
【這夜給惡人基一封信】大佬茅躉華日夜思念 回憶從8歲開始：兄弟有今生沒來世 (壹週刊 Next) (https://youtu.be/t06qjQbRIpY)
【癌妻疑腫瘤增大再入院】林子博心力交瘁 感激汪阿姐報紙包錢相贈渡難關（壹週刊 Next）(https://youtu.be/gk83T58fTIs)
【太子餃子店】新移民唔怕蝕底自薦包餃子 粗重功夫一腳踢 老闆刮目相看邀開店：呢個女人唔係女人(飲食男女 Apple Daily) https://youtu.be/7CUTg7LXQ4M)
【街市尋寶】慈雲山街市 二百幾萬機器鮮製$24午餐肉 肉彈味濃無添加日賣500份 (飲食男女 Apple Daily) (https://youtu.be/rTrYPzECHI0)
【娛樂人物】情願市民留家唔好出街聚餐 鄧一君兩麵舖執笠蝕200萬 (蘋果日報 Apple Daily) (https://youtu.be/e3agbTOdfoY)
【頭條動新聞】孕婦被拉跌 社會關注度不及細So與美斯《頭條動新聞》Ep.6 (蘋果日報 Apple Daily) (https://youtu.be/4MaqWS-XFEc)


#果籽 #劉細良 #城寨 #讀書好 #陰謀論 #假新聞 #StayHome #WithMe #跟我一樣 #宅在家

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