〖認真想〗做人好難 | 女性做為一種符號 // 李長潔 🛀
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看到這兩罐沐浴乳—「#少女氣息」和「#幹練女主管」，等等，這商品資訊也太令人為難了吧，到底該洗出一個怎樣的我呢？貨架前的我，站在人生的十字路口上徬徨著 🤔。清甜的少女氣息是比較好懂啦，但是幹練女主管的味道是怎樣，洗了會加薪嗎？ 💵
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沐浴產品多為注重「價格」、「品牌」、「使用後肌膚感受」以及「成分原料」，尤其成分原料是消費者最為關注之處（洪諄儒，2016）。包裝上的廣告修辭，則是消費者最直接理解產品的方式，會分成「理性訴求」與「感性訴求」兩個面向，通常是「產品功能」與「個人形象」（陳姿伶，2005）。
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目前大部分的沐浴用品廣告，大都強調產品功能，如「潤澤感」、「潔淨力」，像這樣以「性別角色」為主題的修辭，是越來越少見。
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▓ #改善體味的效果
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我們還是先從「產品功能」的面向來分析。第一款「#回味淨味沐浴乳」，以「清新蜜香」為味覺，功能上強調深層清潔、雙重趣味，以及特製香氛技術，以「改善體味」（汗味、體味、加齡味）為目標，可見是針對較成熟的女性使用者。（加齡味從日語進入到中文了）
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第二款「#快樂微風香水沐浴精」，就非常單純以「香水」效果，強調「哈密、柑橘、玫瑰、小蒼蘭、白檀香、鳶尾」的前中後味，幾乎不見對成分原料、肌膚感受等作其他描述。依照商品上的角色圖示，目標受眾可能是有在工作的輕熟女。
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▓ #女性的味道做為符號
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我們再從「感性訴求」來看，對於「女性角色」的想像，在廣告修辭中起了主要的作用。女性做為符號（woman as sign）（Cowie, 1978），強化了兩個產品中的兩個性別角色，「#少女」與「#女主管」。透過身體儀式性的「淨化」與「美化」，來完成氣味符號與性別印象的連結，並且進入到一個更巨大的交流系統（a system of communication）中。
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也就是說，這兩款沐浴乳提供了女性一個消費神話，鼓勵大眾操演（doing-gender）出被認可的性別形象（Butler, 1990）：（年齡階層上的）#不會被討厭的年輕少女、（權力階層上的）#令人欽羨的幹練主管。透過清潔儀式與氣味標籤，讓規範直接作用於我們的身體。
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是說，可以買兩罐混搭，變成「#有少女氣息的幹練女主管」嗎？ 🤘

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📔 #參考文獻
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1. 洪諄儒（2016）。以聯合分析法探討開架式沐浴乳之最佳產品組合。成功大學企業管理系碩士論文。

2. 陳姿伶（2005）。自我監控、廣告訴求與媒體類型對廣告效果之影響-以男性保養品為例。交通大學傳播研究所碩士論文。

3. Cowie, E. (1978). Woman as Sign. m/f, 1, 49-63.

4. Butler, J. (1990). Gender Trouble. Routledge.

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#謝謝生活觀察家Camille

今早為Asian Medical Students Association Hong Kong (AMSAHK)的新一屆執行委員會就職典禮作致詞分享嘉賓，題目為「疫情中的健康不公平」。
感謝他們的熱情款待以及為整段致詞拍了影片。以下我附上致詞的英文原稿：

It's been my honor to be invited to give the closing remarks for the Inauguration Ceremony for the incoming executive committee of the Asian Medical Students' Association Hong Kong (AMSAHK) this morning. A video has been taken for the remarks I made regarding health inequalities during the COVID-19 pandemic (big thanks to the student who withstood the soreness of her arm for holding the camera up for 15 minutes straight), and here's the transcript of the main body of the speech that goes with this video:

//The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, caused by the SARS-CoV-2 virus, continues to be rampant around the world since early 2020, resulting in more than 55 million cases and 1.3 million deaths worldwide as of today. (So no! It’s not a hoax for those conspiracy theorists out there!) A higher rate of incidence and deaths, as well as worse health-related quality of life have been widely observed in the socially disadvantaged groups, including people of lower socioeconomic position, older persons, migrants, ethnic minority and communities of color, etc. While epidemiologists and scientists around the world are dedicated in gathering scientific evidence on the specific causes and determinants of the health inequalities observed in different countries and regions, we can apply the Social Determinants of Health Conceptual Framework developed by the World Health Organization team led by the eminent Prof Sir Michael Marmot, world’s leading social epidemiologist, to understand and delineate these social determinants of health inequalities related to the COVID-19 pandemic.

According to this framework, social determinants of health can be largely categorized into two types – 1) the lower stream, intermediary determinants, and 2) the upper stream, structural and macro-environmental determinants. For the COVID-19 pandemic, we realized that the lower stream factors may include material circumstances, such as people’s living and working conditions. For instance, the nature of the occupations of these people of lower socioeconomic position tends to require them to travel outside to work, i.e., they cannot work from home, which is a luxury for people who can afford to do it. This lack of choice in the location of occupation may expose them to greater risk of infection through more transportation and interactions with strangers. We have also seen infection clusters among crowded places like elderly homes, public housing estates, and boarding houses for foreign domestic helpers. Moreover, these socially disadvantaged people tend to have lower financial and social capital – it can be observed that they were more likely to be deprived of personal protective equipment like face masks and hand sanitizers, especially during the earlier days of the pandemic. On the other hand, the upper stream, structural determinants of health may include policies related to public health, education, macroeconomics, social protection and welfare, as well as our governance… and last, but not least, our culture and values. If the socioeconomic and political contexts are not favorable to the socially disadvantaged, their health and well-being will be disproportionately affected by the pandemic. Therefore, if we, as a society, espouse to address and reduce the problem of health inequalities, social determinants of health cannot be overlooked in devising and designing any public health-related strategies, measures and policies.

Although a higher rate of incidence and deaths have been widely observed in the socially disadvantaged groups, especially in countries with severe COVID-19 outbreaks, this phenomenon seems to be less discussed and less covered by media in Hong Kong, where the disease incidence is relatively low when compared with other countries around the world. Before the resurgence of local cases in early July, local spread of COVID-19 was sporadic and most cases were imported. In the earlier days of the pandemic, most cases were primarily imported by travelers and return-students studying overseas, leading to a minor surge between mid-March and mid-April of 874 new cases. Most of these cases during Spring were people who could afford to travel and study abroad, and thus tended to be more well-off. Therefore, some would say the expected social gradient in health impact did not seem to exist in Hong Kong, but may I remind you that, it is only the case when we focus on COVID-19-specific incidence and mortality alone. But can we really deduce from this that COVID-19-related health inequality does not exist in Hong Kong? According to the Social Determinants of Health Framework mentioned earlier, the obvious answer is “No, of course not.” And here’s why…

In addition to the direct disease burden, the COVID-19 outbreak and its associated containment measures (such as economic lockdown, mandatory social distancing, and change of work arrangements) could have unequal wider socioeconomic impacts on the general population, especially in regions with pervasive existing social inequalities. Given the limited resources and capacity of the socioeconomically disadvantaged to respond to emergency and adverse events, their general health and well-being are likely to be unduly and inordinately affected by the abrupt changes in their daily economic and social conditions, like job loss and insecurity, brought about by the COVID-19 outbreak and the corresponding containment and mitigation measures of which the main purpose was supposedly disease prevention and health protection at the first place. As such, focusing only on COVID-19 incidence or mortality as the outcomes of concern to address health inequalities may leave out important aspects of life that contributes significantly to people’s health. Recently, my research team and I collaborated with Sir Michael Marmot in a Hong Kong study, and found that the poor people in Hong Kong fared worse in every aspects of life than their richer counterparts in terms of economic activity, personal protective equipment, personal hygiene practice, as well as well-being and health after the COVID-19 outbreak. We also found that part of the observed health inequality can be attributed to the pandemic and its related containment measures via people’s concerns over their own and their families’ livelihood and economic activity. In other words, health inequalities were contributed by the pandemic even in a city where incidence is relatively low through other social determinants of health that directly concerned the livelihood and economic activity of the people. So in this study, we confirmed that focusing only on the incident and death cases as the outcomes of concern to address health inequalities is like a story half-told, and would severely truncate and distort the reality.

Truth be told, health inequality does not only appear after the pandemic outbreak of COVID-19, it is a pre-existing condition in countries and regions around the world, including Hong Kong. My research over the years have consistently shown that people in lower socioeconomic position tend to have worse physical and mental health status. Nevertheless, precisely because health inequality is nothing new, there are always voices in our society trying to dismiss the problem, arguing that it is only natural to have wealth inequality in any capitalistic society. However, in reckoning with health inequalities, we need to go beyond just figuring out the disparities or differences in health status between the poor and the rich, and we need to raise an ethically relevant question: are these inequalities, disparities and differences remediable? Can they be fixed? Can we do something about them? If they are remediable, and we can do something about them but we haven’t, then we’d say these inequalities are ultimately unjust and unfair. In other words, a society that prides itself in pursuing justice must, and I say must, strive to address and reduce these unfair health inequalities. Borrowing the words from famed sociologist Judith Butler, “the virus alone does not discriminate,” but “social and economic inequality will make sure that it does.” With COVID-19, we learn that it is not only the individuals who are sick, but our society. And it’s time we do something about it.

Thank you very much!//

Please join me in congratulating the incoming executive committee of AMSAHK and giving them the best wishes for their future endeavor!

Roger Chung, PhD
Assistant Professor, CUHK JC School of Public Health and Primary Care, @CUHK Medicine, The Chinese University of Hong Kong 香港中文大學 - CUHK
Associate Director, CUHK Institute of Health Equity

【認真聽】 《#花木蘭》真的有這麼爛嗎？ 迪士尼找到的女性新觀念是「#孝」？ | 李長潔 👧
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一部電影可以被黑到讓人專程去看，也是一種成就。最近上映的迪士尼電影《花木蘭》，讓大家看得氣氣氣氣氣（#chi），使有點害怕迪士尼公主的我，特地去觀賞這部作品。直接說結論，《花木蘭》還真不是很好看，儘管場景華美，但在敘事情節、鏡頭運作、演繹表達等多方面上，都可以感受到一些足以令人出戲的毛邊。
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真人版《花木蘭》真的有這麼爛嗎？花木蘭是一個怎麼樣的迪士尼公主？迪士尼公主有甚麼性別意義？真人版《花木蘭》居然把華人的「#孝道」拿來當作新世代女性特質，是不是搞錯了甚麼？！
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📌 #今天的內容有：
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▶ 花木蘭到底好不好看？
▶ 迪士尼的公主進化論
▶ 電影中的東方主義
▶ 孝順做為一種美德（？
▶ 雙元孝道的理論模型
▶ 其實花木蘭也沒有很爛啦
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📣 #spotify 聽這裡：https://open.spotify.com/episode/45rT6U9YctNslXtqs122V2?si=vSi4YxCgQ-60v7DFks3xbQ
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📣 #firstory 聽這裡：https://open.firstory.me/story/ckevkz4vfopop0839tan4komg?ref=android
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/////// 完整論述 ///////
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▓ #迪士尼公主論
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從女性主義的觀點來看，性別（gender）具有操演性（#Performativity），也就是說，性別是模仿、表演、施行而成（Boucher, 2006），而媒體就是其中一個形塑性別的機器。Fought與Eisenhauer（2006）的迪士尼公主內容量化研究發現，女性角色的台詞量隨著年代增多，顯示性別意識的進步；而公主的性別特質，也隨時代轉變成更堅強、更獨立的女性。#公主的女性再現，會成為女孩們演繹性別的脈絡，因此，迪士尼當然重視公主的性別形象所帶給大眾的參照性。
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社會學者們也非常在意這些在童年裡扮演重要社會角色的公主，她們是一種「#認同的文本」（Wohlwend, 2012），公主跨媒介地出現在電影、電視、玩具、遊戲中，甚至延伸到日常生活的所有動作。每一個女孩（或男孩）都可以有「#做公主」的機會。（回頭看以為自己是Elsa的5歲乾女鵝）
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▓ #花木蘭中的東方主義
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當然，我絕對不會計較《花木蘭》中文化轉譯上的失誤，甚至是誤讀。這種東方主義（orientalism）（Said, 1979）的傾向，是基於「東方」與「西方」二者之間作本體論與知識論的差異。像是片中土樓場景的使用、對「氣」的理解與詮釋、莫名的鳳凰。在妝容與服飾上倒是還挺符合花木蘭身處的魏晉南北朝，柔然的幾角色設置也還看得出迪士尼的用心。畢竟，《花木蘭》主要觀眾群應該還是西方青少年以下，嚴謹考究的戲劇設定，好像也不是那麼重要了。
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不過，對於真人版《花木蘭》把「#忠孝兩全」作為某種迪士尼公主的價值核心，到底有甚麼問題？
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▓ #孝道的相對主義與絕對主義
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許多評論者把片中置入的「孝」的概念視為父權（中國）勢力的再現，這個部份我覺得可以再思考一下。我們從社會理論來看看，花木蘭被賦予的特殊價值「孝」究竟是甚麼？孝道的文化原型主要奠基於華人家庭對宜農生態環境的適應策略，而孝道的心理原型則根植於親子間自然情感互動的基本需求。
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進一步來說，前者乃是為鞏固家族結構來滿足務農社會之實際生活需求，透過將家庭日常運作與其經濟功能緊密連結，孝道規範逐漸從生計生活經驗中演化成形，藉以促進家庭體系之整合與延續；同時又在人為的政治力量作用下，將儒家特定的倫理階序觀強化為孝道規範的依據，使孝道意識型態從繁複細緻的文化設計進而成為華人首要的「#絕對主義倫理觀」。（葉光輝，2009）
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▓ #孝其實也有很多意涵啦~
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因此，「孝」是一個社會—歷史性的概念，並且在孝道二元模式裡變動拉扯。以「尊親懇親」、「抑己順親」、「奉養祭念」、「護親榮親」四個變項，呈現為「#相互性」與「#權威性」孝道兩個面向。其實，從卡通版到真人版的20年過渡，在女性主體與孝道關係的表現性上，的確有新的進展。一方面，父親與皇帝皆具有「慈」的呼應性，符合相互性的孝之條件。
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此外，花木蘭從一開始的「抑己順親」、「護親榮親」，壓抑自我符合社會關係，轉向「尊親懇親」、「奉養祭念」以真實女性身份，達到孝道的境界，更加符合相互性的孝。我覺得，評論者在一個「現代性」的自我要求下，去批判該片對孝道關係性的掙脫與自我表達，稍有失去對孝道多元意義的真正理解，有直接將孝道掛上「中國」、「傳統」沉痾之嫌。
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▓ #不好看也不難看
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其實說來有趣，《花木蘭》引起大眾對孝道的敏感，但實際上是對中國的對抗。但回顧現代孝道的論述形構，反而是中國的文化大革命，承接了源自胡適、魯迅五四運動的「#反孝」。而在台灣的情境中，因為國民黨執政時期中華文化復興委員會的「#崇孝」運動，權威性孝道則比較常出現在台灣。我想這是一個台灣人的症狀式閱讀。
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至於真人版《花木蘭》到底好不好看呢？找片源看就好…

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#參考文獻：
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1. Boucher, G. (2006). The politics of performativity: A critique of Judith Butler. Parrhesia: a journal of critical philosophy, 1, 112-141.
2. Fought, C., & Eisenhauer, K. (2016). A quantitative analysis of gendered compliments in Disney princess films. In Washington, DC: Linguistic Society of America Annual Meeting presentation.
3. Wohlwend, K. E. (2012). ‘Are you guys girls?’: Boys, identity texts, and Disney princess play. Journal of Early Childhood Literacy, 12(1), 3-23.
4. Said, E. W. (1979). Orientalism. Vintage.
5. 葉光輝. (2009). 華人孝道雙元模型研究的回顧與前瞻. 本土心理學研究》(台北), 32-101.

#愛老虎油 #兔子 #I love you too #幼稚 #家家酒

詞曲:陳潁宜 編曲:李宗軒

I can’t imagine spending my life without you.
You are my favorite thing.
你是我尚愛欸人 每天這麼水

The past is not important, as long as now I’m with you.
我已經有一個最美的美女
Wherever you go, I will go.
愛~ 愛老虎 愛兔子 愛你
l’m your monkey butler.
You’re my goddess.為蝦咪你這麼好
I~ I love you 全世界最好的妹妹
你是我尚愛欸歌
這一生尚愛欸人
The thing is the future with you.
(With you.)

這是我遇到 尚水欸美女
每天你欸晚飯 就攏交乎我煮
浪漫的小事 每天跑步1次
再難的中文 跟你再說一次
I wish I could define all the thoughts that cross my mind.
美女的味道 你哪這呢古錐
你知道嗎 這輩子不會和你分開
It’s like I got the 留到以後最浪漫的事情

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#洛杉磯快艇隊
#邁阿密熱火隊
#KawhiLeonard

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#洛杉磯湖人隊
#邁阿密熱火隊
#總決賽

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