【玳瑚師父課室】《第33場回顧：不漏錢的錢包》
33rd Recap : The Wallet That Never Leak
(English version below)

玳瑚師父於2017年7月30日，舉辦了第33場餐會，爲出席者解決她他們，多年来錢包的傷痛，讓她他們嘗一嘗，錢包满满的实感。

當晚，有兩位男出席者送玳瑚師父花卉。師父現場將花卉供養佛菩薩，並將花卉回送給出席者。師父交代他們，回家用這些花瓣洗澡，能夠沖掉身上不好的東西。

在餐桌上，師父拿一張紙巾蓋住擺在他前方的刀，笑說：刀是有殺傷力的，所以我們見面就不要動刀。

師父也慈悲爲現場的出席者，依據她他們的八字，選用適合她他們的晚餐。

當服務生來端菜時，師父也提醒大家要向她他們致謝。

師父教導：年輕人不要覺得道歉是丟臉的事。懂得承認自己的錯誤，反而是高貴優雅的。

有智慧的人，是這一世就斷輪迴。有德，神明就來護持妳你。

餐會精彩回顧：

一、 人不要自私。

玳瑚師父看到A出席者，祇拿檸檬片給自己，而沒有像B出席者，除了拿給自己，還會問別人要不要。

師父說，沒有自私的佛菩薩。聖誕老人爲何人見人愛，就是因爲他慷慨大方。越大方的人，越有錢。

二、 和別人談生意，要懂得取自己的用神，才能成功。

三、 師父現場分析每位出席者的筆跡，準確地道出每個人的心性，尤其道出：A出席者一直都想流浪，想環遊世界。

四、修行人不能有分別心。

五、我們要懂得錢生錢，投資要對，要懂得怎樣用八字。

六、 師父問每位出席者：哪一篇玳瑚師父的文章是妳你最喜歡的？爲什麼？

七、聰明和智慧的分別。

八、 人生是苦的，所以我們要製造多一點積極的人生，要懂得讓過去成爲過去。

九、 怎樣的屋子是陰霾的？

十、 師父解說爲什麼讓唐先生參加活動。因爲他是唯一一位說要做大事，要造福人群，但師父提醒他，說到要做到。

十一、哪一種下巴對晚年不好？

十二、 錢包裡面一定要放什麼，才會更有錢？

十三、 怎樣的皮包，是「守財」的好皮包？

十四、 付不起，就不要買，不要討價還價。

十五、出席者應該放哪些銀行的信用卡在皮包？

十六、性事與個人財富的關聯。

人與人，不會永遠在在一起，所以要珍惜，那將來不在一起，也不會有遺憾。

傲慢，成不了大氣候。吝嗇，也成不了大事。

妳你要永遠吃路邊攤，玳瑚師父不勉強，隨妳你，人各有志。

但玳瑚師父不要，因爲吾不祇要度小市民，吾還要度大老闆。

妳你要更好，才能夠幫到更多人，要不然所發的要幫人之願，也不過是在開空頭支票罷了。

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Master Dai Hu held his 33rd Meal Session on 30th July 2017, imparting precious knowledge on how to make our wallets fatter!

On that night, 2 male participants presented flowers to Master Dai Hu. He immediately made a flower offering to the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, and return the bouquets to both of them, instructing them to use the flowers in their bath, and cleansing their bodies of impure energies.

On the dining table, Master Dai Hu used a napkin to cover his knife, and remarked in jest that a knife has the power to hurt, thus it's better kept away.

Master Dai Hu compassionately recommended suitable dining dish for each participant, according to their own individual Bazi.

Master also reminded everyone to be polite towards the restaurant service staff.

He taught: "Young people should not feel that saying sorry is a loss of face. It is a noble value to be able to acknowledge one's fault."

A person with wisdom would know to end all sufferings this life time. If one has virtues, all Gods would offer protection.

Highlights of the session:

1. Do not be selfish. Master Dai Hu observed that one participant took a slice of lemon for himself only while another did the same, but also asked others on the same table if they would like a lemon slice as well. Master said there is no selfish Boddhisattva. Why does everyone like Santa Claus? It is due to his generosity. A person will only get richer with generosity.

2. One needs to use his favorable elements in order to negotiate successfully in business.

3. Master Dai Hu analyzed the hand-writings of all participants, and accurately spoke of their individual traits, especially for one participant, whom Master revealed his wish to travel the world.

4. A spiritual cultivator must possess equanimity.

5. We need to use our Bazi effectively so as to be successful in investment.

6. Master Dai Hu asked all participants their favorite articles written by him, and the reasons.

7. The difference between intelligence and wisdom.

8. There's sufferings in life, and that's the reason why we should be more proactive in life, and let bygones be bygones.

9. Which kind of house possesses negative energies?

10. Master explained why he allowed Mr Tang to attend this event. It is because he is the only one who spoke of his big aspirations to bring benefits to mankind. However, Master reminded him to always keep to his promise.

11. Which type of chin signifies misfortunes in old age?

12. What is that ONE thing you must put in your wallet in order to "fatten" it?

13. Which kind of wallet if one that can protect your wealth?

14. If you cannot afford something, do not buy it. Never bargain for any discount.

15. Which credit cards should be placed in your wallet?

16. What's the link between sexual activities and your personal wealth?

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The affinity between 2 person won't last forever, thus we need to treasure the time together in order not to have any regret in the future.

Arrogance and stinginess will not help you achieve big things.

If you choose to eat at hawker centre all your life, Master Dai Hu will not force you. Each to his own.

However, Master Dai Hu does not want to to take this choice. Not only does he wants to help ordinary folks, but also people of high status.

You must do well in life in order to help more people. If not, your wish to help others shall be left unfulfiled, like a bounced cheque.

台灣知名水彩畫家作品

被印度知名水彩畫家

左右翻轉後拷貝構圖光影布局(簡單說就是抄襲)

作品目前不但在展覽還被大肆報導

被原作者發現後

印度畫家不但不承認還透過報紙說台灣畫家抹黑他

只是想出名...

這口氣 身為美術科系畢業的我

看了很不爽~

【faith, hope and love / 信、望、愛】 ( a major part )
watercolor Demo by Chien Chung Wei .

Mr. Sawant , Even though you can benefit and achieve big success from the act of plagiarism, you had lost your sincere soul towards art at the time you decided to mirror my work, “The Moscow Nocturne No.3”, and copied it into your work,“Evening at Istanbul”. And sadly, that soul is what great artists of all time treasure the most.

"Art is not abstruse at all. I paint what I really want to paint, I do not fool others or myself, and I do not aim too high than I can achieve; I ask myself to widen my horizons and strive for excellence… This is my way of pursuing art."

"Know what you want, figure out the sequence and direction, and concentrate on doing it and acknowledge every trace and value left by your every movement - This is watercolor as well as life. "

Above are the sentences I love the most which are printed in the back cover of my book, “The Intrigue of Form”. I want to share those words with you and all the friends who care about this issue of plagiarism in watercolor. Thank you all for taking time to leave your comments.

Of course I will....., back to the easel, just paint.

Chien Chung Wei 2015.11.21

https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=913132332075083&set=a.223450097709980.69502.100001349748857&type=3&theater

這兩天關於我的畫被外國畫家抄襲事件，我有些話不吐不快...

首先，對於這幾天熱心支持我的台灣同胞和國外友人們，誠摯致上我的敬意與謝意。多位熱心網友辛苦製作比對的照片，我也在此一並致謝。

請容我說說我的心情。

藝術，本來就是建立在學習與模仿，精益求精。沒有任何人可以不需要經過學習與模仿而能成為傑出的藝術家，沒人會否認這一點。

我不是一位苛刻狡詐之人。今天，如果他這張畫，是一個創意畫作，左右反轉我的"莫斯科夜曲"的結構後改成伊斯坦堡之夜，然後標註我讓我知道，我會去按讚留言Well done!，甚至分享這個有趣的創意改造在我的FB。我們要清楚的重點是，畫家製作這件重製品的心態是什麼！

任何有繪畫創作經驗的人都會知道，他翻轉的目的，不是為了創意改造，而是想要隱藏拷貝的行為。我說過了，今天如果他是學生或是業餘者，或許我會去提醒他要註明反轉畫作的出處，也或許我根本沒時間理會他。但是，今天Prafull Sawant先生是印度甚至國際知名水彩畫家，這張反轉拷貝的對開水彩作品，已經上了當地報紙、國際媒體，正在國際水彩畫展上展出的新作。而我這件8開小畫，只有在FB公開過，還沒有正式展出。我不想看到，有任何一絲一毫的可能性，我的原創作品被人誤認為是取巧反轉拷貝自他的作品？這是我死也不會忍受的事！

所以，我所能作的，就是公開說明，他翻轉拷貝了我的作品。並要求道歉。沒錯，這當然只是形式，因為，我知道對方不會認錯，他也知道我告不了他。他自己未來的藝術事業後果，他會自己承擔。而我，當然繼續往前進，路還長的很。

我不在乎印度人對我的批評（印度報紙已經刊出，指台灣Chien Chung Wei故意要抹黑、藉機出名...），但讓我感到小小難過的是，我只是在我的臉書提出聲明，維護畫家創作尊嚴，卻讓人覺得我不該窮追猛打，有失高度而感到失望？甚至還有人希望我為對方前途著想.....Orz.。

我追了什麼、打了什麼....？我從沒想過要跨海控告爭取權益，我只是在我的臉書放上兩次比對的照片!，讓世人去公評，誰才是誠實的藝術家，如此而已。就算全台灣的人，甚至全世界畫壇，都認為我不該這麼做，應該要表現出有容乃大的大師高度，我也不在乎，更何況我還不是真正的大師。

我就是要藉這個機會，讓年輕的藝術學子們知道一件事：就算你可以因此得到利益，獲得現實世界更大的成功，但是從你決定偷偷摸摸拷貝盜用的那天起，你已經失去了你自己對藝術最忠誠的靈魂。而那個靈魂，卻是歷史上所有偉大的藝術家最在乎的。

別為我的藝術擔心，我當然還是回到工作室提筆作畫，沒有任何人、任何事，可以妨礙我心中那至高無上藝術境界的追求。

鬱悶的簡老師......2015.11.21

那個南方叫屏東
屏東的黑鮪魚好ㄘ(〃∀〃)

【2016，這就是台灣人想要的總統！】

「妳回北京以後，告訴他們，」蔡英文說：「台灣的下一任總統曾經為妳服務過。」

（“Go back to Beijing,” says Tsai, “and tell them you were served by the next President of Taiwan.”）

上面那段話，是這幾天來，最讓我感佩與震撼的一段話。那是蔡英文主席接受《TIME》雜誌專訪長文的結語，鏗鏘有力，也讓人無比動容...

2016，我希望我能有幸擁有這樣的總統，一股溫柔的力量，卻又充滿自信與霸氣，不慍不火、不卑不亢，而這正是台灣這個即將新生的島國，用來在世界永續立足，最需要的態度。

朋友們告訴我，昨天附上的《TIME》雜誌英漢對照翻譯文章，已經被下架了。對此，我真的感到非常遺憾。（更新消息：PTT貼文者並非原譯，因恐引起誤會而刪文。原譯文出自獨立記者Jessie Chen臉書，特此致謝。）

對於那篇連夜趕出的翻譯稿，也許不同立場的朋友，會有不同想法與批評。但對於譯者的熱心與用心，我只有發自內心的感激和敬佩。因此，我在網路上找到備份文章，再一次（無修改）分享給我的朋友們，需要的，就幫忙再傳播出去吧！

德不孤必有鄰，一位擅長漫畫的朋友，也默默傳了她關於那段「溫柔力量」談話的圖像詮釋。淡淡的畫風，彷彿原景重現，對我而言，那份感動，似乎又更深了一些...

有人以文字速譯向小英致敬、有人以圖像速寫向小英致敬──

而我，只能藉此臉書一角，向翻譯者、漫畫家，跟小英總統本人，獻上最誠心的祝福與感謝！

謝謝你們，讓台灣變成一個更好更美的地方。
　

──────────底下為英漢對照翻譯原文──────────

民進黨主席暨總統參選人蔡英文登上最新一期時代雜誌封面，標題是「她將可能領導華人世界唯一民主國家， She Could Lead The Only Chinese Democracy」。蔡主席是繼印度總理莫迪、印尼總統佐科威、韓國總統朴槿惠後，最新一位登上時代雜誌封面的亞洲領導人。

中英譯全文：

雜誌封面
She Could Lead the Only Chinese Democracy
And that makes Beijing nervous
她將可能領導華人世界唯一的民主國家
這讓北京感到緊張

目錄頁
Cover Story: Championing Taiwan
Presidential front runner Tsai Ing-wen wants to put the island’s interests first
封面故事：壯大台灣
總統大選領先者蔡英文要將台灣利益置於優先

內頁大標
‘The Next President Of Taiwan’
That’s how Tsai Ing-wen refers to herself. But will the island’s voters agree?
台灣的下一任總統
蔡英文是這樣認為。但是這座島嶼的選民會同意嗎？

內文
Emily Rauhala / 台北報導 Adam Ferguson / 攝影

Tsai Ing-wen is making breakfast. The presidential candidate cracks five eggs and lets them bubble with bacon in the pan. She stacks slices of thick, white toast. It’s a recipe adapted from British chef Jamie Oliver, but the ingredients, she can’t help but say, are pure Taiwan. The meat comes courtesy of Happy Pig, a farm near her spare but tasteful Taipei apartment, the bread from a neighborhood bakery. She offers me an orange. “Organic,” she says, in English. “And local, of course.”

蔡英文正在做早餐。這位總統候選人打了五個蛋，和著平底鍋裡面的培根一起吱吱作響，再把一片片白色的厚片土司疊起來。料理手法學自英國名廚傑米奧利佛（Jamie Oliver），但是她忍不住要說，烹調食材屬於最純粹的台灣原料。培根來自「快樂豬」農場，距離她那簡單卻有品味的公寓不遠，而麵包是從她家附近的烘培坊買來的。她遞了一顆橘子給我，用英文跟我說：「有機的！當然也是在地的。」

This is not an average breakfast for the 58-year-old lawyer turned politician running to become Taiwan’s next President—most days she grabs a coffee and books it to the car. But it is, in many ways, oh so Tsai. The Taipei-raised, U.S.- and U.K.-educated former negotiator wrote her doctoral thesis on international trade law. As a minister, party chair and presidential candidate (she narrowly lost to two-term incumbent Ma Ying-jeou in the 2012 race), Tsai gained a reputation for being wonky—the type who likes to debate protectionism over early-morning sips of black coffee or oolong tea.

對於這位58歲、從律師轉變成政治人物的總統候選人來說，這可不是她平常吃的早餐。她通常隨手抓一杯咖啡在車上喝。不過許多方面來說，這應該可以算是一貫的「蔡式」風格。這位在臺北長大、在英美留學過的談判專家，博士論文寫的是國際貿易法。在她當陸委 會主委、民進黨主席、總統候選人期間（她在2012年的總統大選中以些微差距輸給了馬英九總統），得到學院派的風評──她是那種喜歡在早上喝黑咖啡或烏龍茶時，跟你辯論保護主義的人。

Now, as the early front runner in Taiwan’s January 2016 presidential election, her vision for the island is proudly, defiantly, Taiwan-centric. Tsai says she would maintain the political status quo across the strait with China—essentially, both Taipei and Beijing agreeing to disagree as to which represents the one, true China, leaving the question of the island’s fate to the future. But Tsai wants to put Taiwan’s economy, development and culture first. While Ma and his government have pushed for new trade and tourism pacts with Beijing—China accounts for some 40% of Taiwan’s exports—Tsai aims to lessen the island’s dependence on the mainland by building global ties and championing local brands. “Taiwan needs a new model, ” she tells TIME.

現在，身為在2016年台灣總統大選中的領先者，蔡英文的願景充滿自信又堅定地強調以台灣為核心。蔡英文說她會維持兩岸的現狀──這指的是說臺北與北京彼此同意對於何者代表中國保留不同的認知（註明：這是時代雜誌記者的見解），並且把這個島嶼的命運留給未來決定。但，蔡英文想要將台灣的經濟、發展與文化置於首位。當馬英九和他的政府推動與中國的貿易及觀光協議時（中國占台灣出口的百分之四十），蔡英文希望加強與世界連結、扶植台灣品牌，以降低台灣對中國的依賴。她對時代雜誌說：「台灣需要一個新模式」。

Whether voters share her vision is a question that matters beyond Taipei. Taiwan is tiny, with a population of only 23 million, but its economy—powered by electronics, agriculture and tourism—ranks about mid-20s in the world by GDP size, with a GDP per capita about thrice that of China’s. Ceded by China’s Qing dynasty to Japan after the 1894–95 First Sino-Japanese War, colonized by Tokyo for half a century, then seized by Nationalist forces fleeing the Communists at the end of the Chinese civil war, Taiwan has long been a pawn in a regional great game. It is a linchpin for the U.S. in East Asia alongside Japan, South Korea and the Philippines, and, most important, it’s the only real democracy in the Chinese-speaking world.
“This election matters because it’s a window into democracy rooted in Chinese tradition,” says Lung Ying-tai, an author and social commentator who recently stepped down as Culture Minister. “Because of Taiwan, the world is able to envision a different China.”

台灣的選民是否同意她的願景，是一件擴及台北以外的事情。台灣的土地雖小，只有兩千三百萬的人口，但是經濟因電子業，農業以及觀光業的支，以國內生產毛額來說在世界排名第二十幾名。台灣的國內人均產值則是中國的三倍。台灣在1894-95的中日戰爭被中國清朝割讓後，被日本殖民了半個世紀；之後在中國內戰結束時逃避共產黨的國民黨勢力給佔領。長期以來台灣是區域競爭中的一個棋子。在美國的東亞布局中，台灣、日本、南韓及菲律賓同為最關鍵的環節。更重要的是，台灣是在華語世界中唯一一個真正的民主國家。甫卸任文化部長的作者與社會評論員龍應台表示：「這場選舉很重要，因為它提供了一個窗口，讓外界一探以中華文化為根基的民主……因為台灣，世界得以想像一個不一樣的中國。」

Taiwan’s politics irritate and befuddle Beijing. To the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Taiwan is the province that got away, a living, breathing, voting reminder of what could happen to China if the CCP loosens its grip on its periphery, from Tibet to Xinjiang to Hong Kong. Beijing is particularly wary of a change in government from Ma’s relatively China-friendly Kuomintang (KMT) to Tsai’s firmly China-skeptic Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). When Tsai ran for President in 2012, Beijing blasted her, without actually naming her, as a “troublemaker” and “splittist”—CCP-speak reserved for Dalai Lama–level foes. “A DPP government means uncertainty for cross-strait ties,” says Lin Gang, a Taiwan specialist at Shanghai Jiao Tong University’s School of International and Public Affairs.

台灣的政治讓北京感到惱怒又百思不解。對中國共產黨來說，台灣是一個逃走的省，也是對中國活生生的提醒──若中國鬆懈對於香港、西藏及新疆等非核心地區的掌控時，可能會發生的事。北京對於台灣的政權，由對中國相對友善的馬政府輪替到對中國保持疑慮的民進黨，抱持格外戒慎的態度。蔡英文在2012年參選總統的時候，北京雖然沒有指名道姓，卻明顯對她大肆抨擊，說她是一個「麻煩製造者」或「分裂主義者」——在共產黨的術語中，這些話專門達賴喇嘛這一層級的仇敵。任教於上海交通大學國際與公共關係學院的台灣事務專家林岡說：「民進黨政府代表的是兩岸關係的不確定性。」

To the U.S., which is bound by the Taiwan Relations Act to come to the island’ s aid if it’s attacked, Taiwan is a longtime friend and unofficial ally, though the strength of that friendship is being tested by China’s rise. Washington worries that Taiwan’s people, especially its youth, are growing warier of China, and that any conflict between the two might draw in the U.S.
“What this election has done is crystallize the changes, the shift in public opinion,” says Shelley Rigger, a Taiwan scholar at Davidson College in North Carolina and the author of Why Taiwan Matters. “I don’t think cross-strait relations are going to be easy going forward, and that’s not something U.S. policymakers want to hear.”

對美國來說，根據《台灣關係法》，在台灣受到武力攻擊的情況下，須協防台灣。台灣是美國長期友邦和非正式盟國，儘管兩國之間友誼的強度正受到中國崛起的考驗。華府擔心台灣人民，特別是年輕人，對於中國的警戒心逐漸提高，而兩者之間的衝突可能會把美國牽扯進來。著有《台灣為何重要》（Why Taiwan Matters）一書的美國北卡羅來那州戴維森大學（Davidson College）教授任雪麗（Shelley Rigger）說：「這場選舉讓所有的改變具體化，反映出民意板塊的移動……我不認為接下來的兩岸關係會更融洽，而這不是美國的政策制定者想要聽到的東西。」

The KMT has yet to formally nominate a candidate for the top job, but the favorite is Hung Hsiu-chu, the legislature’s female deputy speaker. Nicknamed ”little hot pepper” because of her diminutive stature and feisty manner, Hung, 67, would be a contrast to the more professorial Tsai should she get the KMT’s nod. “I don’t think [Tsai] is a strong opponent,” Hung tells TIME. Yet the DPP’s choice, who has already started pressing the flesh islandwide, is spirited too. “People have this vision of me as a conservative person, but I’m actually quite adventurous,” she says. And possessed of a sharp sense of humor—when I compliment her cooking, Tsai looks at me with mock exasperation: “I have a Ph.D., you know.”

國民黨雖然還未正式提名總統候選人，但目前最被看好的就是立法院副院長洪秀柱。因為身材嬌小與好戰性格而被封為「小辣椒」的洪秀柱（67歲），如果獲黨的提名，將與擁有學者形象的蔡英文，呈現顯著的對比。洪秀柱向時代記者表示：「我不認為蔡英文是一位強的對手」。然而，民進黨的候選人已經士氣高昂，在全台各地展開競選活動。蔡英文說：「有些人認為我是一個保守的人，但我其實是很愛冒險的」。她有一種犀利的幽默感──當我讚美她的廚藝時，她用搞笑的語氣假裝惱怒說：「我可是擁有博士學位的。」

Tsai grew up in a home on Taipei’s Zhongshan Road North, a street named after Taiwan’s symbolic father, Sun Yat-sen, the Chinese revolutionary who helped overthrow the Qing and co-founded the KMT. Her own father, an auto mechanic turned property developer, was of the Confucian kind: he encouraged her to study hard but also expected her, as the youngest daughter, to devote herself to his care. “I was not considered a kid that would be successful in my career,” says Tsai.

蔡英文在台北的中山北路長大，這條街是以革命推翻清朝、成立國民黨並視為國父的孫逸仙命名。她的父親是一位修車技師，後來成為土地開發商。他承襲了儒家思想，希望蔡英文要用功讀書，但也期許身為小女兒的蔡英文可以留在父親身邊照顧他。蔡英文說：「我小時候不是一個被認為未來會有成就的孩子。」

After attending university in Taiwan, she studied law at Cornell in New York because, she says, it seemed the place for a young woman who “wanted to have a revolutionary life.” From there she went to the London School of Economics, where she earned her Ph.D., also in law, in less than three years. “That pleased my father,” she says. When he called her home, she obliged, returning to Taiwan to teach and, in 1994, to enter government in a series of high- profile but mostly policy-oriented roles in the Fair Trade Commission, National Security Council and Mainland Affairs Council.

在台灣大學畢業後，她前往紐約州康乃爾大學研讀法律，因為她說，這是一個「想過革命性的生活」的年輕女子該去的地方。之後，她前往倫敦政治經濟學院攻讀法學博士，並且三年不到就獲得學位。她說：「這讓我父親很高興」。她遵從父親的意思返回台灣，先回大學教書並在1994年進入政府，出任公平交易委員會、國安會及陸委會等一系列重要的、政策導向的職位。

Even close supporters say Tsai was, and perhaps still is, an unlikely politician, especially for the DPP. Taiwan’s opposition party was forged in struggle and led by veterans of the democracy movement—a fight Tsai mostly missed. The Kaohsiung Incident in 1979—a human-rights rally that was violently broken up by security forces, galvanizing the democracy movement— took place while Tsai was overseas, cocooned in the ivory tower. If the archetypal DPP operative is a bare-knuckle street fighter, Tsai is an Olympic fencer—restrained and precise.

就連許多親近蔡英文的支持者都認為，蔡英文是一位非典型的政治人物，特別就民進黨而言。身為在野黨的民進黨，在台灣民主運動的奮鬥過程中焠煉而成，由民主運動的老兵所成立，這是一場蔡英文錯過的戰役。1979年高雄的美麗島事件，當一場人權遊行遭警政單位暴力驅散，而後來激勵了台灣的民主運動，蔡英文當時正在國外求學，受到象牙塔的庇護。若說民進黨的典型人物是赤手空拳的街頭鬥士，蔡英文則是一位奧林匹克級的劍術家：自我克制又精確到位。

She stepped into the spotlight in 2008, becoming party chair when the DPP found itself booted from office, with its chief Chen Shui-bian, the outgoing President, later convicted of corruption. While she possessed a deep knowledge of policy, Tsai did not then seem like a leader. “She used to sort of hide behind me when we went door to door,” recalls legislator Hsiao Bi-khim, a longtime colleague and friend. “People compared her to a lost bunny in the forest, with wolves surrounding, both from within the party and outside.

在2008年民進黨失去政權，而前總統陳水扁隨即遭貪汙罪起訴的時刻，蔡英文踏入了鎂光燈下，成為民進黨主席。雖然蔡英文對於政策擁有深度的瞭解，但當時她還不像一位領導人。長期以來是她同事與朋友的立法委員蕭美琴說「以前當我們挨家挨戶去拜訪時，她有點會躲在我身後」。「有些形容她為一個在森林裡迷路的兔子，被黨內與黨外的狼群包圍。」

After an unsuccessful 2010 mayoral bid, Tsai ran for, and also lost, the presidency in 2012. Jason Liu, a veteran DPP speechwriter, says now that the campaign did not “sell” Tsai well enough. The ideas were strong, but the delivery left “distance between her and the voters.” Ironically, it was not until her concession speech that Tsai seemed to connect emotionally with Taiwan’s citizens. “You may cry,” she told the tearful crowd. “But don’t lose heart.”

2010年，蔡英文參與市長選舉失利，在2012年也沒順利當選總統。民進黨資深文膽劉建忻表示，當時的競選總部對於「行銷」蔡英文這個概念，做得不夠好；雖然擁有許多好點子，但是執行上還是「讓選民感到有所距離」。諷刺地，一直到敗選感言，蔡英文才似乎與台灣人民產生情感上的連結。她對含著淚水的群眾表示：「你可以哭泣，但不能洩氣。」

A lot has changed since 2012. Eleven hours after making eggs, with a policy meeting, a cross-country train ride and a harbor tour behind her, Tsai is addressing a couple hundred students at a university in the southern city of Kaohsiung, a DPP stronghold. She’s in lecture mode, at ease, talking about her party’s economic plans: stronger regional links and a focus on innovation to support small businesses. “How many of you went to Taipei for the Sunflower protests?” she asks in Mandarin. At least a third raise their hands.

2012年之後的台灣，歷經了許多改變。蔡英文煎蛋後的11個小時後，歷經了一場政策會議、搭乘高鐵從北一路向南、緊接著進行高雄碼頭導覽。她抵達南台灣民進黨的重鎮高雄，向數百位大學生發表演說。她以一派輕鬆的授課模式，闡述著民進黨的經濟計畫：加強區域間的連結，並聚焦於支持創新的小型經濟。她用中文詢問在場學生「你們之中有多少人去台北參加過太陽花學運？」現場至少有三分之一的學生舉起了手。

Taiwan’s students were once seen as apathetic. But during spring last year, Taipei was swept up by thousands-strong demonstrations over a services pact with China. Student and civic groups worried that the deal could hurt Taiwan’s economy and leave it vulnerable to pressure from Beijing. They felt it was pushed through without adequate public scrutiny. The Sunflower Movement, as it came to be called after a florist donated bundles of the blooms, grew into a grassroots revolt, culminating in the March 18 storming of the legislature.

台灣的學生過去一度被視為相當冷漠。但是在去年的春天，台北市被數以千計的抗議者淹沒，反對與中國簽訂的服務貿易協議。學生與公民團體擔憂這個協議會傷害台灣經濟，讓台灣的經濟受制於中國壓力而變得脆弱。他們也認為，服貿協議的推動並沒有經過適當的公民審議。太陽花運動是民間累積的抗爭與不滿，在3月18日這天一舉衝進立法院，運動的稱號是由於抗爭期間一位花販捐贈了大量太陽花而因此命名。

The movement was grounded in questions of social justice. Since coming to power in 2008, Ma has argued that cross-strait commerce is the key to the island’s fortunes, signing 21 trade deals. Yet young people in particular wonder if the deals benefit only Big Business on both sides of the strait. They say rapprochement with Beijing has left them none the richer, and agonize over the high cost of housing, flat wages and the possibility of local jobs going to China. A sign during a protest outside the Presidential Palace on March 30 last year captured the mood: “We don’t have another Taiwan to sell.”

這個運動的主要訴求就是社會正義。自從國民黨2008年執政以來，簽訂了21個兩岸貿易協定，馬英九主張兩岸的商業往來是台灣最關鍵的財富來源。但是年輕人質疑這項論述，他們認為這些貿易協議只有兩岸的大財團獲利。他們說北京的和解政策並沒有讓年輕人變得富有，反而讓他們受困於高房價、停滯的薪資、以及在地工作機會可能流失到中國的可能性。在去年3月30日於總統府外的抗議中，有個標語最能捕捉整體的社會氛圍：「台灣只有一個，賣了就沒了！」

The emphasis on quality of life, and not just macro-indicators, is good news for Tsai. Her vision for a more economically independent Taiwan did not sway the electorate in 2012 but may now have stronger appeal. The KMT, bruised by the Sunflower protests and then battered by fed-up voters in midterm polls last fall, is trying to remake itself as a more populist party. Timothy Yang, a former Foreign Minister who is now vice president of the National Policy Foundation, the KMT’s think tank, says the party stands by its cross-strait record. But even Yang, a KMT stalwart, is keen to address the issue of equity:
“The benefits of this interaction with mainland China should be shared with the general public.”

台灣社會對於生活品質的重視，而非僅僅強調宏觀經濟指標，對蔡英文來說是件好事。她希望打造一個經濟上更加獨立的台灣，雖然這個理念在2012年並沒有說動選民，但，現在可能更有吸引力。國民黨在太陽花運動中受到重創，在去年秋天的期中選舉中又再度被選民以選票教訓。現在，國民黨試圖把自己再造成一個民粹的政黨。目前擔任國民黨智庫『國家政策基金會』副董事長的前外交部長楊進添先生受訪時說道，「國民黨堅持其兩岸的立場」。但即便像楊進添這樣堅定的國民黨員，也熱衷於解決公平的議題。他說：「兩岸互動的利益，應該要與全民共享！」

Tsai should easily carry traditional DPP support: much of the south, the youth vote, and those who identify as Taiwanese and who are not a part of the elite that came from China after the CCP victory in 1949. The DPP’s missing link is Big Business, which supports the KMT and closer ties with the mainland, where many Taiwan companies are invested. Tsai recognizes that this is a constituency she needs to woo but doesn’t seem clear as to how, beyond saying, “Our challenge is to produce something that is sensible to both sides without being considered as a traitor to the friends we used to be with when we were an opposition party.”

蔡英文要得到傳統民進黨的支持並不難，例如南部選民、年輕選票、還有那些認同自己是台灣人，而不是1949年中國共產黨勝利後來自中國的精英份子。然而，民進黨缺乏與大企業的連結，因為台灣企業大量投資大陸，而其中這些大財團多半支持國民黨，以及與大陸建立更緊密的關係。蔡英文也理解到這是她必須要去吸引的一群選民，但是對於如何進行並沒有太清楚的圖像。她說：「我們的挑戰是要去創造雙方都認為合理的立場，又不能被我們在野時的朋友認為是叛徒。」

That will be hard. The KMT has long argued that it, not the DPP, is best qualified to run the economy, which, corruption apart, did not do well under Chen. Tsai’s supporters concede that many citizens feel the same way—that the DPP can be an effective opposition but not administration. “The KMT has always portrayed itself as more suited to guide the economy,” says J. Michael Cole, a Taipei-based senior fellow with the University of Nottingham’s China Policy Institute and a senior officer at Tsai’s Thinking Taiwan Foundation. “There’s this stubborn perception that a DPP government would be bad for business.”

這是困難的挑戰。國民黨長期主張自己比民進黨更擅長治理經濟，尤其陳水扁執政時期除了貪污，經濟表現並不好。蔡英文的支持者也同意，確實有些民眾認為民進黨可是一個稱職的反對黨，但不是執政黨。諾丁漢大學中國政策研究中心資深研究員暨小英基金會資深主管寇謐將（J. Michael Cole）說：「國民黨把自己描繪是一個更適合主導經濟的政黨。另外也有一種僵化的刻版印象，認為民進黨執政對企業不利。」

It’s a narrative that the CCP backs and may well float as the campaign progresses, either directly, in China’s state-controlled press, or indirectly, through, for instance, its connections in Taiwan’s business community. “Beijing is going to want to make a point through all sorts of channels, including Big Business, that cross-strait relations will not be as smooth if you vote a government into power that has not accepted the foundation that has underpinned developments of the last eight years,” says Alan Romberg, a distinguished fellow at the Stimson Center, a Washington, D.C., think tank.

這種論調受到中國共產黨的支持，並且今隨著選戰的進展不斷被拋出。共產黨可能直接地利用中國控制的媒體影響選舉，或是間接地透過中國與台灣商業界的連結。美國華府智庫史汀森研究中心（Stimson Center）資深學者容安瀾（Alan Romberg）說：「北京將會透過大企業等各種管道來闡述其立場，表明要是台灣人民讓一個不接受過去八年兩岸發展基
礎的政府執政，兩岸關係的發展將不會如現在一樣平順。」

Beijing has never been receptive to a DPP government, but it is particularly negative now. Since coming to power in 2012, China’s leader Xi Jinping has proved himself to be more assertive and nationalistic than most expected, a man not eager to compromise. Last September he told a delegation from the island that China and Taiwan might be one day be reunited under Hong Kong’s “one country, two systems” formula, which is rejected by both the KMT and DPP and, surveys consistently show, the vast majority of Taiwan’s people. This May, Xi warned again about the danger of “separatist forces”—a comment widely interpreted as a swipe at the DPP.

北京對於民進黨政權的接受度向來不高，但現在尤其抱持負面的態度。中國領導人習近平在2012年掌權後，證明自己比外界想像的還更加武斷，帶有更強烈的民族主義色彩，是一個不輕易妥協的人。去年九月，他對一個來自台灣的代表團說，中國和台灣可望採用香港「一國兩制」的模式統一，然而這卻是一個國民黨和民進黨都反對的方案，而且民調也一再顯示，絕大多數的台灣人民無法接受。今年五月，習近平再度警告「分裂主義勢力」會帶來的危險──這段說詞普遍被外界詮釋為對民進黨的抨擊。

Cross-strait relations are managed according to the so-called 1992 Consensus reached by Beijing and Taipei (then also governed by the KMT), a formula the KMT’s Yang calls “a masterpiece of ambiguity.” Under the 1992 Consensus, both sides acknowledge that there is only one China, but without specifying what exactly that means. This, Yang says, has allowed the KMT to move forward on bilateral trade, transport and tourism without being forced to address whether “one China” is the China imagined by Beijing or by Taipei.

兩岸關係是治理目前根據北京和台北（當時為國民黨執政）之間所謂的九二共識，這是一個被國民黨的楊進添形容為「模糊性的一大鉅作」的政策。根據九二共識，雙方承認只有一個中國，但不表明一個中國的確切意含。楊進添說，這讓國民黨在推展雙邊貿易、交通和觀光方面得以取得進展，而不需被迫去回答「一個中國」究竟是北京或是台北心目中的中國。

The DPP has long promoted de jure independence. The first clause in its charter calls for “the establishment of an independent sovereignty known as the Republic of Taiwan,” not the Republic of China, Taiwan’s official name. This platform resonates with the DPP base but is increasingly untenable given China’s economic clout and growing power on the world stage. While the first DPP presidency under Chen was hardly a break from the past, it did see a cooling with Beijing. Things warmed again under Ma. Lin, the Taiwan expert at Shanghai Jiao Tong University, says Tsai is somewhere between Chen and Ma: “If she wins the election, she will not pursue Taiwan in dependence. But she will not promote the development of the cross-strait relationship as Ma Ying-jeou did.”

民進黨過去長期以來推動台灣的法理獨立。民進黨黨綱第一條闡明「建立主權獨立自主的台灣共和國」，而非台灣的正式國號中華民國。這個立場獲得民進黨基本盤的認同，卻在中國的經濟實力成長與中國在世界舞台上崛起之下，越來越無法實現。儘管陳水扁主政時期的民進黨政府跟過去的政策並無太大差別，但跟北京的關係確實趨向冷淡。馬英九主政時期兩岸關係再度暖化。上海交通大學的台灣專家林岡說，蔡英文的立場介於馬英九和陳水扁之間。他說：「如果她勝選，她不會追求台灣獨立。但她也不會像馬英九一樣推動兩岸關係的發展。」

Tsai stresses that she will not alter the politics between Taiwan and China, but she is vague about whether she will repeal the DPP’s independence clause. And unification? That, she says, “is something you have to resolve democratically—it is a decision to be made by the people here.”

蔡英文強調她不會改變台灣和中國之間的政治關係，但對於是否撤回台獨條文卻是依然維持模糊。至於統一呢？她說：「那是必須經由民主程序解決的事情——這是一個必須經由此地的人民來做的決定。」

Hung, Tsai’s potential KMT opponent, says the DPP flag bearer needs to clarify her stance on cross-strait relations. “People ask her, ‘What is the status quo?’ and she can’t say anything specific,” says Hung. The KMT’s Yang offers a metaphor: “Before you harvest, you have to plow the land, transplant the seedlings, fertilize; all the work … has been done by the KMT, and yet they are going to harvest the crop?”

蔡英文的在對手洪秀柱說，民進黨的掌舵手需要清楚地闡明她對兩岸關係的立場。洪秀柱說：「大家問她『維持現狀是什麼意思？』，她卻沒有給具體的回應。」國民黨的楊進添用一個比喻：「在收割之前，要先耕地、播種、施肥；所有的工作……都已經被國民黨完成了，然而他們現在卻想要收割？」

Tsai believes she will win that right. Several days before I return to my Beijing base, over Taiwan-Japanese fusion in Kaohsiung, Tsai is quietly confident that she will gain the trust of Taiwan’s voters and secure victory, whatever Beijing might think. She puts a final piece of tuna on my plate. It’ s from Pingtung County in the south, where she was born. “Go back to Beijing,” says Tsai, “and tell them you were served by the next President of Taiwan.”

蔡英文相信她會贏得這項權利。在我返回北京駐點的前幾天，我們在一家位於高雄的台式日本料理小店用餐，蔡英文對於取得台灣選民的信任並贏得選戰，展現出低調的自信。當時，她把最後一片鮪魚夾到我的盤子上。那塊鮪魚來自南方的屏東，她的出生地。「妳回北京以後，告訴他們，」蔡英文說：「台灣的下一任總統曾經為妳服務過。」

—With reporting by Zoher Abdoolcarim, Gladys Tsai and Natalie Tso/Taipei

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圖片：猜猜看，認出畫風了嗎？^^

（歡迎任何形式分享，一律免問）

2015年迄今，蔡總統的博士學位與論文的「真實性」卻屢遭各方質疑。8月29日，台大法律系榮譽教授賀德芬舉行記者會，公布另一位旅美學者林環牆的調查報告，再度指稱蔡總統並沒有在1984年通過論文口試，並沒有取得LSE的博士學位。而且LSE與倫敦大學（University of London）有人企圖掩飾真相、掩護蔡總統。
2019年9月4日，「總統府發言人」臉書專頁公布由倫敦政治經濟學院（簡稱倫敦政經學院，LSE）提供的蔡英文總統的學生紀錄表、論文考試通過通知書、1984年3月製發的畢業證書影本，以及國立政治大學1984年蔡總統申請教職的人事資料。
林環牆認為這本「傳說中的」學位論文，無論紙本、數位電子檔，或圖書收藏資料，35年來（1984年迄今）都不存在。經他引用英國《資訊自由法》（The Freedom Information Act）要求，LSE資訊與紀錄處（Information and Records）以電子郵件告知，蔡總統直到今年(2019)6月28日才將這份「傳說中的論文」提繳給LSE圖書館；約兩個星期的7月13日，這本論文也才進入LSE圖書館的數位檢索系統。

今年(2019)8月5日，林環牆飛抵倫敦，檢視與閱讀蔡總統送到LSE圖書館的論文，發現它應是由另一本論文影印下每一頁，經電子傳真送到LSE，然後在當地新裝訂成冊，每一頁的邊緣或角落有非常明顯的黑色陰影。此外，論文封面與背面是黑色硬紙板，與當年藍色硬紙板論文的顏色不同。

林環牆還發現，論文「致謝」（Acknowledge）那一頁很可能是重新打字。因為論文每一頁的邊緣或角落有非常明顯的黑色陰影，但只有最前面兩頁完全看不到黑影；第一頁是論文的題目（Title），第二頁就是致謝。

他並舉出幾點博士學位論文不應存在的疏漏：論文有不少英文打印錯誤，雖然書寫更正，但沒有重新打字；論文的附註都以星號（*）加上阿拉伯數字表示，而且附註打字時都未上提，是很簡陋、不專業的處理方式；論文有些章節段落名稱與目錄並不一致，最離譜的是，第一章竟連續遺漏6頁，第5至10頁都不見蹤影。

因此林環牆研判，這本論文應該只是「口試用初稿」，不是為完成博士學位而送交校方圖書館典藏的最後定稿論文。蔡總統當年在LSE的身分頂多是「已完成論文，但未通過論文口試」的博士侯選人。
LSE博士侯選人在通過論文口試之後，必須提繳最後定稿的論文至倫敦大學的Senate House Library。林環牆指出，LSE在1983年至1984年有107位畢業生，其中1位柯麗希（Pauline Francis Creasey）的博士學位後來被註銷，其他106位畢業生在Senate House Library的圖書搜索系統都有完整論文收藏紀錄，只有1位例外──蔡總統。(資料來源風傳媒)
最近接連有兩名博士親赴倫敦政經學院查閱蔡英文當年的論文，一位是美國北卡羅來納大學台裔經濟系教授林環牆，一位是旅居牛津的經濟史博士徐永泰。兩人均發現，蔡英文留存該校的論文有裝釘太新、缺頁、留有許多手改痕跡等不尋常情況，且借閱規定極為嚴苛，迥異於一般論文的公開透明。儘管蔡英文已對質疑此事的林環牆教授和台大教授賀德芬提出告訴，但論文疑雲越捲越大，已讓倫敦政經學院窮於解釋。蔡英文若無法一一澄清，將使民眾對其誠信留下問號。

綜括外界所提出的種種質疑，蔡英文的博士論文至少有五大疑點亟待釐清。第一，取得博士的期程奇短：根據蔡英文提供的學生紀錄，她於1980到82年間在倫敦政經學院修習法學碩士；然後，自1982年到84年短短兩年即取得該校博士學位，這較一般文法科系的博士修習年限短了許多，除非她念的不是正規學程。以馬英九為例，其哈佛博士學位花了五年時間取得，比較像正常的修習年限。

第二，這本一度遍尋不獲的論文為何直至近期才補交：倫敦政經學院圖書館目前存有的蔡英文博士論文，是今年6月28日提交，因此裝訂極新；且直到7月13日，論文才進入該圖書館的數位檢索系統。可能的原因是，蔡英文博士論文「失蹤」的問題在今年6月遭獨派名嘴質疑，她因而緊急委人向校方提送論文；由於並非原件，才會每頁均殘留明顯的傳真或攝影之陰影，甚至第一章的五到十頁均告缺頁。為什麼35年後，出現一本不是35年前原版的論文？

第三，何以指導教授的名字諱莫如深：蔡英文的指導教授之一為Micheal Elliott，另兩名指導者則因不明原因不准公開，這是極令人難以理解的事。Micheal Elliott畢業於牛津大學，有無博士學位不詳，但在倫敦政經學院任教期間也只是一名年僅卅多歲的講師，為何能在短短期間指導蔡英文寫完論文？尤其，在蔡英文畢業之同年，他即離開教職，到《經濟學人》雜誌去擔任新聞記者。遺憾的是，他已於2016年因病去世，無法再為蔡英文的博士學位作證。

第四，蔡英文的論文為何充滿手改痕跡並缺頁：博士論文通常有嚴格的內容及格式規範，且需呈交數份正式版本供校方及教授留存，否則不會被校方接受。但是，蔡英文新近提交給倫敦政經學院的論文，卻充滿手改痕跡、錯誤拼字及頁數缺損。難道說，當年通過口試後遲未交出的論文，在畢業35年後，仍未完成正式版本的校訂？

第五，蔡英文回國後先後在政大及東吳任教，兩校難道都未留存其論文和畢業證書影本：蔡英文返國後進入政大法律系任教6年，後轉任東吳大學，依理都應該要提交論文及畢業證書供校系審查。這兩校只要翻閱一下檔案庫，即不難找出其博士論文，供各界釋疑；但為何各方要千里迢迢赴英國尋找真相？此外，根據本報聯合知識庫的資料，蔡英文在1983年10月20日刊在聯合報二版的《從我彩視機輸美談反傾銷稅》文章，署名為「倫敦政經學院國際經濟法博士」，這比她正式取得博士又早了近半年。(聯合報社論)
總統府兩位發言人黃重諺及張惇涵2019.9.23與三位律師舉行記者會，府方也搬出35年前的論文，說明目前在倫敦政經學院（LSE）存放的論文有缺六頁是因為翻印有疏漏，相關查找可以看到完整頁次，今天也提供給媒體參考。
口試委員是否需要簽名，張惇涵說，全世界不同國家不同系所有不同作法，LSE的做法是不需要口委簽名，查證過同期許多論文也沒有口委簽名。他也說，蔡總統的論文是當場通過，教授沒有要求修改，當年沒有word，手改很正常。
黃重諺先說明三點結論，第一，為鼓勵學術相關研究，蔡總統決定授權國家圖書館，將她的論文公開閱覽。第二，向校方取得當年學生資料，可以證明嚴謹過程取得博士學位。第三，蔡總統取得學位證書相關過程，包括政大、教育部、中選會，這麼長的時間以來都經過各階段嚴謹驗證，所以沒有問題。
黃重諺也說明兩個基本觀念，他表示，確認一個人是否從某個學校取得學歷，方法就是向授與學歷的學校查詢，校方官網有相關資訊，大部分學校規定都一樣，每一位博士生都必須繳交論文，前述這些也證明這些過程。
黃重諺也說，畢業生論文保存是校方事務，至於蔡總統的1984年倫敦大學學位證書影本，政大、教育部、倫敦大學都有保存。
黃也解釋，現場提供的原稿為什麼沒有裝訂，因為只能用影印的，至於寄給LSE的論文還缺六頁，是因為翻印有疏漏，相關查找可以看到完整頁次，今天也提供。