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雖然這篇achieving中文鄉民發文沒有被收入到精華區：在achieving中文這個話題中，我們另外找到其它相關的精選爆讚文章

在 achieving中文產品中有10篇Facebook貼文，粉絲數超過28萬的網紅美國在台協會 AIT，也在其Facebook貼文中提到， 【危險鄰居】系列六：《260艘中國漁船在厄瓜多國家海洋公園旁濫捕》 2020年7月，在加拉帕戈斯群島附近的大約260艘中國漁船聚集捕撈，激起了外交緊張局勢，並引發人們對聯合國教科文組織列為世界自然遺產周圍水域中鯊魚、魟魚和其他脆弱物種威脅的擔憂。 根據倫敦研究機構ODI 6月份的報告顯示，中國「...

　同時也有2部Youtube影片，追蹤數超過11萬的網紅Lukas Engström，也在其Youtube影片中提到，In this video, I'm explaining how I am helping President Tsai achieving one of her biggest goals for the next 10 years! Link to Moshi Deep Purple Kic...

「achieving中文」的推薦目錄

achieving中文 在 Dr. Soo Wincci 蘇盈之 Instagram 的最佳解答

2020-05-12 02:10:49

Guess what everyone? #TheInjusticeStranger Apart from achieving 2015 the highest rating Local Chinese Drama on TV, we achieved The Highest Online Rat...

  • 美國在台協會 AIT

    achieving中文 在 美國在台協會 AIT Facebook 的精選貼文

    2020-12-11 11:50:24
    有 1,330 人按讚

    【危險鄰居】系列六：《260艘中國漁船在厄瓜多國家海洋公園旁濫捕》

    2020年7月，在加拉帕戈斯群島附近的大約260艘中國漁船聚集捕撈，激起了外交緊張局勢，並引發人們對聯合國教科文組織列為世界自然遺產周圍水域中鯊魚、魟魚和其他脆弱物種威脅的擔憂。

    根據倫敦研究機構ODI 6月份的報告顯示，中國「遠洋」漁船數量是世界上最多的，共有約17,000艘船，其中約1,000艘在其他國家註冊，中國漁船所有權高度分散於各個公司和國家，使得國際組織更難以有效約束。由於氣候變遷，海洋生物數量逐漸變少，擁有世界上最多漁船的中國，更應該負起責任，禁止過度捕撈引發的海洋危機，而不是與鄰為壑貪婪的擴張。

    自由開放的印太地區意味著良善治理、符合國際標準的經濟活動，以及免於威脅和脅迫的自由。若要實現這個願景，需要各國以有建設性的方式共同合作。

    一起來看以下《華盛頓郵報》的文章：《260艘中國漁船在厄瓜多國家海洋公園旁濫捕》: https://reurl.cc/pykKMl
    中文翻譯請見: https://reurl.cc/OqyR5D

    #好鄰居壞鄰居 #聽其言觀其行 #說一套做一套 #己所不欲勿施於人 #以鄰為壑

    【Dangerous Neighbor】

    A free and open Indo-Pacific means good governance, economic activities that accord with international standards, and freedom from threats and coercion. Achieving this vision requires countries to work together in a constructive way.

    Check out this article from Washington Post, “260 Chinese boats fish near Galapagos; Ecuador on alert”: https://reurl.cc/pykKMl

  • 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong

    achieving中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳貼文

    2020-04-08 18:22:53
    有 400 人按讚

    【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

    ***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

    中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

    Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

    In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

    The possibility of realizing legislative majority

    Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

    The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

    Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

    Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

    Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

    To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

    While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

    Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

    Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

    Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

    What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

    Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

    The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

    Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

    Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

    Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

    The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

    All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

    https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

  • 巫師地理

    achieving中文 在 巫師地理 Facebook 的最讚貼文

    2018-12-12 10:33:30
    有 14 人按讚

    Taipei Times Joe's investment
    #中國 #美國 #臺灣 #國際關係

    Joe：「如果美國國會2019年真的要推這個外交法案，我看中國和美國的外交關係就是空前的惡化了，近期華為高層被捕，加拿大前外交官Michael Kovrig被中國當局拘留，2019年應該很難有風平浪靜的國際局勢了」

    美國眾議會外交委員會亞太事務組主席Ted Yoho：是承認台灣為國家的時候了
    Recognize Taiwan as the country it truly is

    Yoho writes: “The US Congress will stand firm with Taiwan. We will honor our defensive military supply commitment and will work toward achieving full diplomatic relations with Taiwan.”
    約霍寫著：「美國國會將與台灣站在一起。我們將會持續表彰對台灣軍售的承諾，並努力朝向和台灣建立完整外交關係。」

    “Taiwan exists today as a sovereign state, a status it has earned through the mandate of its people, its democratic institutions and its stewardship of personal freedoms and human rights.”
    台灣今天以一個主權獨立國家形式存在。這個現狀是因人民賦權、民主制度、個人自由、以及人權所獲得的。

    “The facts are self-evident: China’s authoritarian government, dominated by the CCP, has never ruled Taiwan.”
    有些不需要證明的事實是：中共掌握的中國極權政府，從來沒有統治台灣。

    “Today, Taiwan is a flourishing democracy with its own economy, education system, military, sovereign borders, political parties, national anthem and flag.”
    如今，台灣是一個蓬勃發展的民主國家，擁有自己的經濟、教育系統、軍隊、主權疆域、政黨、國歌、以及國旗。

    “China has bullied the world into believing that Taiwan is not a country but some other undefined thing.”
    中國持續霸凌世界，迫使全球相信台灣並非一個國家，而是某些不確定的東西

    “However, the truth is right in front of our eyes and it is time the world began treating Taiwan as it deserves.”
    然而，事實就在我們眼前，而全世界應開始讓台灣擁有應得的待遇。

    “I view Taiwan as an independent country and believe that most US citizens and members of our government feel the same way.”
    我認為台灣是一個獨立國家，並相信多數美國公民以及政府官員都如此認為。

    “Taiwan is a nation, and it is time to embrace and recognize this fact.”
    台灣是一個國家，目前是擁抱且承認這個事實的時候了。

    另外附上
    《美國國會「美中經濟與安全審查委員會」2018年度報告》第三章第三節的內容
    https://hackmd.io/s/S1NThQnT7?fbclid=IwAR2INOUurECE52KHMKFMSA7RjgkB3t2A6Nit7NXUyc5bAYkWsIBOah8LSOg
    裡面有中文翻譯，其實美國國會對台灣內部和國際上的觀察是非常透徹的，這樣的報告出爐後，加上目前美國兩黨的互動關係，我估計台灣2019年應該會面臨很劇烈的外交局勢驟變

    http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/editorials/archives/2018/12/11/2003705885
    https://www.ptt.cc/bbs/Gossiping/M.1544547364.A.99D.html

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