雖然這篇Promulgate synonym鄉民發文沒有被收入到精華區：在Promulgate synonym這個話題中，我們另外找到其它相關的精選爆讚文章
在 promulgate產品中有7篇Facebook貼文，粉絲數超過874的網紅多益達人 林立英文，也在其Facebook貼文中提到， 📖頒布📖 ✔️issue有多種意義，在此只討論兩種：（1）公開發表聲明、命令、或是警告等？（2）政府等機構發行或核發文件等物給需要的人，如執照或許可。前面主詞可以是人或機構。 ✔️proclaim是正式用語，表示公開聲明某重要事件的存在或真實性，常用來表達立場或價值觀（例如to proclaim...
同時也有10000部Youtube影片，追蹤數超過2,910的網紅コバにゃんチャンネル，也在其Youtube影片中提到，...
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promulgate 在 黃楚兒 Instagram 的最佳解答
2020-12-04 13:45:19
#生麗國際 #頒證大會 #主持人 恭喜 @shenglih.jnm 邁向第18年 18ligjt = Spotlight ，肯做肯學，你就是那顆最閃耀的鑽石💎 也恭喜所有晉升夥伴~你們都是當天的最佳MVP🌟 #楚兒黃楚涵 #楚楚動人主持人 謝謝 #生麗 大家長徐顧問與黃執行長信任，將今年如此不...
promulgate 在 DATO SRI G GNANA RAJA Instagram 的最佳貼文
2020-05-12 11:48:43
Had coffee and discussed with Dato Hajah Rusnah, chairperson of Halal Product Import Export Council. Learned alot from her on Shariah compliance, to p...
promulgate 在 bonnie黎淑賢 Instagram 的最讚貼文
2020-05-02 16:43:02
#色繪。女人世界🎨#hk #hkig #hkgirls #drawing#interviews #media#event#promulgate #angusbeautyconcept #許智政醫生#Concentric #beauty...
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promulgate 在 コバにゃんチャンネル Youtube 的最讚貼文
2021-10-01 13:19:08![post-title]()
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promulgate 在 大象中醫 Youtube 的最佳貼文
2021-10-01 13:10:45![post-title]()
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promulgate 在 大象中醫 Youtube 的精選貼文
2021-10-01 13:09:56![post-title]()
promulgate 在 多益達人 林立英文 Facebook 的最佳貼文
📖頒布📖
✔️issue有多種意義，在此只討論兩種：（1）公開發表聲明、命令、或是警告等？（2）政府等機構發行或核發文件等物給需要的人，如執照或許可。前面主詞可以是人或機構。
✔️proclaim是正式用語，表示公開聲明某重要事件的存在或真實性，常用來表達立場或價值觀（例如to proclaim oneself king自立為王，to proclaim gospel傳播福音），後面受詞可以是人或抽象名詞，它雖然和issue一樣後面可以接law，但很少如此用，而且多半在to proclaim martial law，而沒有用在其他法令相關單字原形。
✔️enact是法律用語，表示將提案正式變成法律加以執行，後面受詞種類較多，如賦稅“死刑等。
✔️promulgate正式用語，使用量不多，意義涵蓋issue和proclaim，亦即正式發表或宣揚某種信念或想法。常見於宗教，尤其是天主教的教條或教義頒布，也可以接law和regulation等法令相關單字原形，受詞不可是人。
#高雄人 #學習英文 請找 #多益達人林立英文
#高中英文 #成人英文
#多益家教班 #商用英文
#國立大學外國語文學系講師
promulgate 在 小小人物做小事 - 高松傑Jacky Facebook 的精選貼文
My recent article😎😎😎
https://apps.orangenews.hk/app/common/details_html…
Opinion | Ulterior Motives behind Opposition Camp's refusal to recognize HKSAR political system
HK Current
2020.09.03 11:39
By Athena Kung
In fact, the political system adopted by the HKSAR is executive-led. Under this structure, the executive authorities, legislature and judiciary complement each other, with built-in checks and balances.
In the year of 1840, Hong Kong was occupied by Britain after the Opium War. In accordance with the Sino-British Joint Declaration signed on 19th of December, 1984, the Chinese and British Governments had a hand-over ceremony on 1st of July, 1997, which marked the resumption of sovereignty by China over Hong Kong. Meanwhile, the HKSAR of the PRC was formally established. The Hong Kong Basic Law, which was adopted in April 1990 at the Third Session of the Seventh National People's Congress, formally came into effect. The Basic Law clearly states and defines the specifications as to how the high degree of autonomy as well as the political, economic, cultural and educational systems of the HKSAR to be run.
To comply with the Basic Law, since 1st of July 1997, the Chinese government has been carrying out the basic policies of "One country, Two systems," "administration of Hong Kong by the Hong Kong people" and "a high degree of autonomy" in the HKSAR. Under "One country, Two systems", even though China is a unified country and the mainland practices the socialist system, Hong Kong's previous capitalist system before 1st of July 1997 and way of life has been remaining unchanged for 50 years. To properly implement "administration of Hong Kong by the Hong Kong people", the HKSAR has all along been administering by the Hong Kong people on their own, and the central authorities have never sent officials to the HKSAR to fill any local official posts. To fulfill "a high degree of autonomy", apart from foreign and national defense affairs which should be administered by the central authorities, the HKSAR has fully enjoyed the power to decide all other matters within its autonomous jurisdiction. The central authorities has never interfered in affairs within the scope of autonomy of the HKSAR. All along, the HKSAR government has been making the final decisions on all matters within its autonomous jurisdiction as prescribed in the Basic Law.
Under the political system of the HKSAR, its major organs of power include the Chief Executive, the Government, the Legislative Council and the Court of Final Appeal. The Executive Council assists the Chief Executive in policy-making and advises the Chief Executive on matters relating to the introduction of bills and subsidiary legislation. Being independent agencies, both the Commission Against Corruption and the Audit Commission are directly accountable to the Chief Executive. In accordance with the conditions procedures as prescribed by law, the Chief Executive shall have the power to dismiss the legislative organs whereas the legislative organs shall have the power to impeach the Chief Executive and the administrative organs shall be accountable to the legislative organs. The Chief Executive, administrative and legislative organs shall supervise and cooperate with each other, which is however not the separation of powers as described by the Opposite Camps from time to time.
The Chief Executive of the HKSAR is both the head of the HKSAR and the head of the HKSAR government. His or her dual status enables him or her to have extensive functions and powers. The Chief Executive shall be selected from among residents of the HKSAR by election or through consultations held locally, and be appointed by the Central Government. Thus, the Chief Executive who is appointed by the Chinese Government to manage the HKSAR plays a very superior role in the HKSAR political system.
In short, the Chief Executive is responsible for implementing the Basic Law, signing bills and budgets, promulgating laws, making decisions on government policies and issuing Executive Orders. Article 48 of the Basic Law empowers the Chief Executive a variety of powers and functions:
" Article 48
The Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall exercise the following powers and functions:
(1) To lead the government of the Region;
(2)To be responsible for the implementation of this Law and other laws which, in accordance with this Law, apply in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region;
(3)To sign bills passed by the Legislative Council and to promulgate laws;
To sign budgets passed by the Legislative Council and report the budgets and final accounts to the Central People's Government for the record;
(4)To decide on government policies and to issue executive orders;
(5)To nominate and to report to the Central People's Government for appointment the following principal officials: Secretaries and Deputy Secretaries of Departments, Directors of Bureaux, Commissioner Against Corruption, Director of Audit, Commissioner of Police, Director of Immigration and Commissioner of Customs and Excise; and to recommend to the Central People's Government the removal of the above-mentioned officials;
(6)To appoint or remove judges of the courts at all levels in accordance with legal procedures;
(7)To appoint or remove holders of public office in accordance with legal procedures;
(8)To implement the directives issued by the Central People's Government in respect of the relevant matters provided for in this Law;
(9)To conduct, on behalf of the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, external affairs and other affairs as authorized by the Central Authorities;
(10) To approve the introduction of motions regarding revenues or expenditure to the Legislative Council;
(11)To decide, in the light of security and vital public interests, whether government officials or other personnel in charge of government affairs should testify or give evidence before the Legislative Council or its committees;
(12)To pardon persons convicted of criminal offences or commute their penalties; and
(13)To handle petitions and complaints.
Indeed, the judicial independence plays a vital role to ensure that the acts and policies of the executive and the legislature fully comply with the Basic Law whereas all fundamental rights and freedoms to be enjoyed by all Hong Kong citizens in accordance with the law can be completely safeguarded. However, from the point of view of separation of powers, the relationship between the executive, legislature and judiciary in the HKSAR should be one of mutual-supervision, checks and balances. It is purely a kind of division of work.
The Opposition Camps has been keeping on refusing to recognize the executive leadership role played by the Chief Executive in accordance with the Basic Law. On the other hand, they intentionally and wrongly deny the executive-led political system adopted in the HKSAR so as to weaken the powers, functions and authorities of the Chief Executive. At the same time, they have been trying their best to expand the powers of the Legislative Council. Clearly, the Opposition Camp aims at making a change in the political system of the HKSAR, namely from executive-led to legislative-led in the hope of controlling the whole HKSAR Government once they can obtain more than 35 seats in the Legislative Council Election. Such step is a common strategy adopted in “Colour Revolutions” instigated by the U.S. Government. In reality, the Opposition Camp has been keeping on spreading rumors to provoke the public's hatred towards the Chief Executive so as to crack down the prestige of the executive-led system in the HKSAR and achieve its ultimate goal of Hong Kong Independence.
The author is Barrister-at-law.
The views don't necessarily reflect those of Orange News.
責任編輯：CK Li
編輯：Whon
promulgate 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的精選貼文
【召集港人聯署！促請歐洲領袖反對《港版國安法》：https://bit.ly/noevillaw 】
自中共一意孤行硬推《港版國安法》以來，擁有27個成員國的歐盟已發聲明批評國安法嚴重損害一國兩制，同時間歐洲亦有七個國家（英國、法國、德國、瑞典、挪威、瑞士、芬蘭）分別表達對於北京硬推惡法的疑慮，包括質疑立法違反《中英聯合聲明》和法治原則，甚至有國家政府已表明會在歐盟推動對中制裁。
為著爭取國際關注，民間外交網絡發言人張崑陽 Sunny Cheung、前立法會議員羅冠聰 Nathan Law和我早前亦發起聯署，促請歐洲各國領袖反對惡法。然而，至今仍有15個國家政府（西班牙、意大利、比利時、捷克、丹麥、冰島、愛沙尼亞、希臘、愛爾蘭、立陶宛、盧森堡、荷蘭、波蘭、斯洛文尼亞、斯洛伐克）尚未作任何表態，三人今天召開記者會，希望鼓勵更多港人集氣聯署。
要知道，歐盟乃中國最大貿易夥伴，亦是香港第三大外來投資地，一旦通過惡法，將影響歐洲各國在港投資及營商利益；其他非歐盟國家在港利益亦將會受損。國安法「外部勢力」定義語焉不詳，過去執法往往政治掛帥，加上中國近年力行「戰狼式外交」，外國人往往成為「人質外交」的犠牲品。因此，惡法一旦通過，將影響各國在港營商利益。
如今香港自治危在旦夕，當務之急必然是鼓動國際盟友支持，而當中絕不只限於爭取個別國家關注，因此是次聯署實在非常關鍵。我們希望集結至少十萬港人的聲勢，懇請英國、瑞士，以及作為歐盟成員國的德國、法國、意大利等，與港人站在同一陣線，促請北京撤回惡法，並加快《馬格尼茨基法案》立法工作，並在與中國貿易協定中加入保障香港人權的條文。
#國際戰線
Petition Calling on European Leaders Against National Security Law for Hong Kong
The Beijing government, with utter disregard of the opposition from the international community and Hong Kong people, seeks to promulgate a controversial and detrimental National Security Bill.
The Chinese Communist Party have been clamping down on human rights activists, lawyers, reporters, civilians as well as foreigners in the name of "National Security". Such is the aggravating human rights condition in China. Under the banner of subversion of the state, China oppressed any investigation on the "Toufu-drag" construction works or poisonous milk-powder. Once the "National Security Bill" (the Bill) had been written into the law, it would inevitably become a tool for oppression and censorship against those who seek the truth and tell the truth.
The severity of the Bill is highlighted by the establishment of an enforcement agency. This will shake up the dynamics of Hong Kong in every possible aspect. The enforcement agency will render the Hong Kong government a mere figurehead and replaces the Hong Kong Police Force as the major ruling authority. It is no surprise that there will be renditions to China for trial and detention. This irrevocably jeopardizes the promises to rule of law, human rights, and an independent judiciary as laid down in the Sino-British Joint Declaration. Hong Kong can no longer maintain its status as an open and liberal international metropolis.
The EU, being China's most significant trading partner and having made the third most investments in Hong Kong, will surely be affected in terms of its investment interests and management conditions; other European countries that have a stake in Hong Kong will also be undermined. The vagueness in what counts as foreign intervention leaves room for an aggressive interpretation by the Chinese government, who for the record utilizes these laws in threatening other countries. Foreigners in Hong Kong may be treated as hostages in accordance with China's diplomatic policies. The risks for foreign investors are self-explanatory.
With the Bill closing in, liberty and autonomy enjoyed by Hong Kong shall, without doubt, face utter compromise. We urge the governments of the UK, members States of the EU, namely Germany, France, and Italy, etc. as well as other non-EU European states, such Switzerland, to stand with freedom and democracy and to stand with Hong Kong in pressuring the Beijing government to retrieve its Bill. It is of the essence for friends of Hong Kong to take the action in the incorporation of the Magnitsky Act into the municipal law. We also urge countries dealing with China to insert clauses that protect Hong Kong's human rights into trade agreements.