[爆卦]valiant中文是什麼?優點缺點精華區懶人包

雖然這篇valiant中文鄉民發文沒有被收入到精華區:在valiant中文這個話題中,我們另外找到其它相關的精選爆讚文章

在 valiant中文產品中有4篇Facebook貼文,粉絲數超過7,957的網紅堅庭通識,也在其Facebook貼文中提到, 民間人權陣線 反送中百萬人大遊行一周年聲明 (English version below) 致 香港市民和世界各地關心香港民主自由的同路人 一年前的今日,一百零三萬人在香港島參與民陣反送中大遊行,打破主權移交以來的記錄,亦使香港人走出雨傘運動以來的社運低潮,更再次令全球觸目香港的命途。...

 同時也有47部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過17萬的網紅帥狗 HandsomeDoge,也在其Youtube影片中提到,勇士漫畫可謂默默OP的強大出版社 今天有請YBY為我們介紹勇士漫畫的魅力之處 ★相關連結☆ 閱讀目錄:http://t.cn/Rmx1ZFw 咪咕圈圈免費線上看:http://t.cn/Rmx3g5C 4/21開播網路美劇:http://comicbook.com/ 勇士漫畫推廣粉專:http://...

  • valiant中文 在 堅庭通識 Facebook 的最佳解答

    2020-06-09 14:45:52
    有 40 人按讚


    民間人權陣線
    反送中百萬人大遊行一周年聲明
    (English version below)

    致 香港市民和世界各地關心香港民主自由的同路人

    一年前的今日,一百零三萬人在香港島參與民陣反送中大遊行,打破主權移交以來的記錄,亦使香港人走出雨傘運動以來的社運低潮,更再次令全球觸目香港的命途。

    也許,不少市民參加去年百萬人大遊行的心態,可能是明知擋不住惡法,也要出來盡一分力、盡一次守護香港、捍衛自己基本人權的義務。林鄭政權在遊行當晚宣布送中惡法如期二讀,進一步激起民憤,也製造社會的絕望。

    香港人絕處逢生,在於去年 6 月 12 日,成千上萬的年輕人奮不顧身,擋住立法會如期二讀。政權暫緩惡法,但精神的創傷、肉身的摧殘和人命的代價,依然沉重。

    6 月 9 日是香港人抵抗惡法的集體回憶,但它同時是我們共負一軛的開端。過去一年,我們面對警暴、黑幫、惡法、白色恐怖,仍然負隅頑抗;無論是前線手足,抑或後勤專業,皆前仆後繼,延續反送中運動的生命力和意志。

    人大港版國安法即將壓境,我們相信,香港人和全球各地支持民主自由的朋友,對香港的命運相當憂慮,甚至感到挫折。但我們過去一年的努力,已為香港創造不少奇蹟:和勇不分擋住惡法、創造黃色經濟圈打破親中資本霸權、新工會運動遍地開花、區議會選舉的勝利、以及香港在全球公民社會對抗威權的前沿地位。

    二零二零年,全球因著武漢肺炎大流行,深刻體會專制政權如何破壞全球公共衛生安全;世界各地民眾反對種族主義和警察暴力的示威,也令香港人明白到抗爭之路,並不孤單。我們要信任自己、信任手足:在黑夜中堅持到底,就會見到天明。

    毋忘六月,就是毋忘香港人抗爭的血淚史。民陣會繼續籌辦七一遊行,希望全港市民,守護記憶、頂住惡法,為香港和我們的未來奮鬥。

    五大訴求,缺一不可!
    抵抗惡法,戰鬥到底!

    民間人權陣線
    2020 年 6 月 9 日



    Civil Human Rights Front
    Statement to mark the first anniversary of the Anti-extradition Mass Protest

    To: Hong Kong citizens and supporters of Hong Kong’s democracy and liberty all over the world

    A year ago today, 1.03 million Hongkongers joined the anti-extradition mass protest organized by the Civil Human Rights Front on the Hong Kong Island. The huge turnout broke the record of all the mass rallies held after the handover, and symbolized a powerful resurgence of social movements from the doldrums after the Umbrella Movement. Once again, the fate of our city returns to international limelight.

    Perhaps many citizens did not have high hopes on stopping the evil extradition bill when they joined the protest. Yet they wished to contribute their efforts, to protect the city, and to fulfill their duties in defending their basic human rights. On the night of the mass protest, Carrie Lam’s administration announced that the extradition bill would resume second reading in the Legislative Council as scheduled. This further fuelled the anger of the people, and destroyed any hope that remained.

    Quite unexpectedly, thousands of youngsters valiantly blocked the resumption of the second reading on 12 June last year. The government finally yielded and suspended the bill. However, the psychological and physical injuries sustained by protesters have been and still are very heavy.

    The mass protest on 9 June last year has been etched in the collective memory of Hongkongers. It also marks the beginning of our togetherness in defending our beloved city. In the past year, we have been steadfastly resisting police brutality, triads, evil laws and white terror. Both the front-liners and those providing logistics support are sparing no efforts in maintaining the vitality and willpower of the anti-extradition movement.

    The National People’s Congress is imposing a Hong Kong version of the National Security Law on Hong Kong. Hongkongers and supporters of Hong Kong’s democracy and liberty around the world are deeply worried and frustrated about such a law. Yet, we have seen miracle after miracle coming out of our tireless efforts in the past year, including the concerted efforts of the valiant and the peaceful-rational in resisting the evil law, the creation of the Yellow Economic Circle to break the hegemony of PRC capital, the blooming of new labour unions, the landslide victories in District Council elections, and Hong Kong’s frontline role in the global fight of civil societies against autocracy.

    The pandemic in 2020 reminds us how a totalitarian regime endangers global public health. The protests against racism and police brutality in different parts of the world tell us that we Hongkongers are not alone. Trust ourselves. Trust our fellow protesters (our “hands and feet”). Persevere in the dark, and we will see light!

    Remember June is to remember the history of Hong Kong’s protests, a history of blood and tears. As in past years, Civil Human Rights Front will lodge an application for the July 1 mass rally. We call upon all Hongkongers to preserve our memory, to resist evil law, and to fight hard for Hong Kong and our future.

    Five demands, Not one less
    Resist evil law, Fight till the end

    Civil Human Rights Front
    9 June 2020

    ———
    【民陣 TG】 t.me/CivilHumanRightsFront

    【民陣 Twitter】 twitter.com/chrf_hk

    民陣被捕法律支援熱線:6549 9452
    Whatsapp / SMS / Telegram

    請提供資料:(*必要)

    1. 被捕地點
    2. 中文全名*
    3. 英文全名
    4. 身份證號碼
    5. 性別、年齡
    6. 當事人電話
    7. 所在警署
    8. 緊急聯絡人電話*
    9. 報料人電話*(若與緊急聯絡人不同)
    10. 其他詳情(如有)

  • valiant中文 在 喜劇演員 Facebook 的最佳貼文

    2020-06-09 00:29:41
    有 2 人按讚


    民間人權陣線
    反送中百萬人大遊行一周年聲明
    (English version below)

    致 香港市民和世界各地關心香港民主自由的同路人

    一年前的今日,一百零三萬人在香港島參與民陣反送中大遊行,打破主權移交以來的記錄,亦使香港人走出雨傘運動以來的社運低潮,更再次令全球觸目香港的命途。

    也許,不少市民參加去年百萬人大遊行的心態,可能是明知擋不住惡法,也要出來盡一分力、盡一次守護香港、捍衛自己基本人權的義務。林鄭政權在遊行當晚宣布送中惡法如期二讀,進一步激起民憤,也製造社會的絕望。

    香港人絕處逢生,在於去年 6 月 12 日,成千上萬的年輕人奮不顧身,擋住立法會如期二讀。政權暫緩惡法,但精神的創傷、肉身的摧殘和人命的代價,依然沉重。

    6 月 9 日是香港人抵抗惡法的集體回憶,但它同時是我們共負一軛的開端。過去一年,我們面對警暴、黑幫、惡法、白色恐怖,仍然負隅頑抗;無論是前線手足,抑或後勤專業,皆前仆後繼,延續反送中運動的生命力和意志。

    人大港版國安法即將壓境,我們相信,香港人和全球各地支持民主自由的朋友,對香港的命運相當憂慮,甚至感到挫折。但我們過去一年的努力,已為香港創造不少奇蹟:和勇不分擋住惡法、創造黃色經濟圈打破親中資本霸權、新工會運動遍地開花、區議會選舉的勝利、以及香港在全球公民社會對抗威權的前沿地位。

    二零二零年,全球因著武漢肺炎大流行,深刻體會專制政權如何破壞全球公共衛生安全;世界各地民眾反對種族主義和警察暴力的示威,也令香港人明白到抗爭之路,並不孤單。我們要信任自己、信任手足:在黑夜中堅持到底,就會見到天明。

    毋忘六月,就是毋忘香港人抗爭的血淚史。民陣會繼續籌辦七一遊行,希望全港市民,守護記憶、頂住惡法,為香港和我們的未來奮鬥。

    五大訴求,缺一不可!
    抵抗惡法,戰鬥到底!

    民間人權陣線
    2020 年 6 月 9 日



    Civil Human Rights Front
    Statement to mark the first anniversary of the Anti-extradition Mass Protest

    To: Hong Kong citizens and supporters of Hong Kong’s democracy and liberty all over the world

    A year ago today, 1.03 million Hongkongers joined the anti-extradition mass protest organized by the Civil Human Rights Front on the Hong Kong Island. The huge turnout broke the record of all the mass rallies held after the handover, and symbolized a powerful resurgence of social movements from the doldrums after the Umbrella Movement. Once again, the fate of our city returns to international limelight.

    Perhaps many citizens did not have high hopes on stopping the evil extradition bill when they joined the protest. Yet they wished to contribute their efforts, to protect the city, and to fulfill their duties in defending their basic human rights. On the night of the mass protest, Carrie Lam’s administration announced that the extradition bill would resume second reading in the Legislative Council as scheduled. This further fuelled the anger of the people, and destroyed any hope that remained.

    Quite unexpectedly, thousands of youngsters valiantly blocked the resumption of the second reading on 12 June last year. The government finally yielded and suspended the bill. However, the psychological and physical injuries sustained by protesters have been and still are very heavy.

    The mass protest on 9 June last year has been etched in the collective memory of Hongkongers. It also marks the beginning of our togetherness in defending our beloved city. In the past year, we have been steadfastly resisting police brutality, triads, evil laws and white terror. Both the front-liners and those providing logistics support are sparing no efforts in maintaining the vitality and willpower of the anti-extradition movement.

    The National People’s Congress is imposing a Hong Kong version of the National Security Law on Hong Kong. Hongkongers and supporters of Hong Kong’s democracy and liberty around the world are deeply worried and frustrated about such a law. Yet, we have seen miracle after miracle coming out of our tireless efforts in the past year, including the concerted efforts of the valiant and the peaceful-rational in resisting the evil law, the creation of the Yellow Economic Circle to break the hegemony of PRC capital, the blooming of new labour unions, the landslide victories in District Council elections, and Hong Kong’s frontline role in the global fight of civil societies against autocracy.

    The pandemic in 2020 reminds us how a totalitarian regime endangers global public health. The protests against racism and police brutality in different parts of the world tell us that we Hongkongers are not alone. Trust ourselves. Trust our fellow protesters (our “hands and feet”). Persevere in the dark, and we will see light!

    Remember June is to remember the history of Hong Kong’s protests, a history of blood and tears. As in past years, Civil Human Rights Front will lodge an application for the July 1 mass rally. We call upon all Hongkongers to preserve our memory, to resist evil law, and to fight hard for Hong Kong and our future.

    Five demands, Not one less
    Resist evil law, Fight till the end

    Civil Human Rights Front
    9 June 2020

    ———
    【民陣 TG】 t.me/CivilHumanRightsFront

    【民陣 Twitter】 twitter.com/chrf_hk

    民陣被捕法律支援熱線:6549 9452
    Whatsapp / SMS / Telegram

    請提供資料:(*必要)

    1. 被捕地點
    2. 中文全名*
    3. 英文全名
    4. 身份證號碼
    5. 性別、年齡
    6. 當事人電話
    7. 所在警署
    8. 緊急聯絡人電話*
    9. 報料人電話*(若與緊急聯絡人不同)
    10. 其他詳情(如有)

  • valiant中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答

    2020-04-08 18:22:53
    有 400 人按讚

    【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

    ***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

    中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

    Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

    In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

    The possibility of realizing legislative majority

    Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

    The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

    Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

    Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

    Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

    To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

    While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

    Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

    Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

    Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

    What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

    Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

    The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

    Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

    Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

    Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

    The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

    All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

    https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

  • valiant中文 在 帥狗 HandsomeDoge Youtube 的最佳解答

    2018-04-13 17:00:03

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  • valiant中文 在 嫣兒Albee Youtube 的最讚貼文

    2015-10-21 13:02:23

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    -------|Albee 的 實 況 區|-------

    實 況 直 播 ☞ http://zh-tw.twitch.tv/sanguimei
    明 星 專 頁 ☞ http://www.gdog168.com/AlbeeMei
    粉 絲 專 頁 ☞ https://www.facebook.com/DoubleYan2
    Y T 頻 道 ☞ https://www.youtube.com/user/sanguimeimei/

    ★ 贊助嫣兒 非強迫 不影響發片 / 開台 ★

    -------|Albee 電 腦 設 備|-------

    MB : Msi z97 Gaming 5
    CPU : LGA 1150 Intel Core i7-4790K @ 4.00GHz
    RAM : Kingston HyperX DDR3-1866 16G
    GPU : MSI GTX 970 GAMING 4G
    SSD : Plextor M6 Pro 256G x 2 (Raid0)
    Power : 650W 金牌
    機殼 : Enermax Ostrog Pink
    鍵盤 : Ducky Shine4
    滑鼠 : i -Rock M20E
    視訊 : Wabcam C170
    繪板 : Wacom Intuos Pro
    耳機 : SteelSeries Siberia V2 (限量粉)
    擷卡 : LGX GC550
    家機 : PS2、PS3、PS4、WII、PSP、PSV

  • valiant中文 在 嫣兒Albee Youtube 的精選貼文

    2015-10-21 13:02:06

    -------|Albee 遊 戲 資 訊|-------

    遊戲名稱 ☞ Valiant Hearts: The Great War
    中文名稱 ☞ 英勇之心︰偉大戰爭
    系統平台 ☞ PS3 PS4 PC IOS XBOX
    遊戲執行 ☞ PC
    攝  影 ☞ Open Broadcaster Software

    -------|Albee 的 實 況 區|-------

    實 況 直 播 ☞ http://zh-tw.twitch.tv/sanguimei
    明 星 專 頁 ☞ http://www.gdog168.com/AlbeeMei
    粉 絲 專 頁 ☞ https://www.facebook.com/DoubleYan2
    Y T 頻 道 ☞ https://www.youtube.com/user/sanguimeimei/

    ★ 贊助嫣兒 非強迫 不影響發片 / 開台 ★

    -------|Albee 電 腦 設 備|-------

    MB : Msi z97 Gaming 5
    CPU : LGA 1150 Intel Core i7-4790K @ 4.00GHz
    RAM : Kingston HyperX DDR3-1866 16G
    GPU : MSI GTX 970 GAMING 4G
    SSD : Plextor M6 Pro 256G x 2 (Raid0)
    Power : 650W 金牌
    機殼 : Enermax Ostrog Pink
    鍵盤 : Ducky Shine4
    滑鼠 : i -Rock M20E
    視訊 : Wabcam C170
    繪板 : Wacom Intuos Pro
    耳機 : SteelSeries Siberia V2 (限量粉)
    擷卡 : LGX GC550
    家機 : PS2、PS3、PS4、WII、PSP、PSV