改完卷，清潔下枱面。研究再出發。未來兩年要完成三本學術（英語）專著 Monograph, 一本是腓利門書，以創意故事加上較易讀的學術觀點重讀腓利門書（暫名： Loving resistance, Resistance through Love) , 另一本是近年研究的總結（暫名：New Institutional Economics and New Testament）, 第三本是 加拉太書導論（十分榮幸）。感謝神學院及研究基金的支持，下年度有一學期可以有不用教學（不是Sabbatical leave），專心作一些考古考察及寫作。同期還計劃寫兩本中文小書，一本重寫看見鄰舍，另一本寫以腓利門書為本的靈修類作品，還有一些會議及3份學術文章。
#下年講道會休息

「John, 我女兒Tiffany現在大一，能不能暑假到你們公司實習？她現在因為疫情的關係無法回去美國讀書」

「沒有問題啊，我們公司剛好缺國際業務，我就把她安排在業務團隊讓她試看看先做一些簡單的翻釋工作，只是一開始都是我們在花時間教育她，她不會成為即戰力，所以薪水只會是法令最低薪資可以嗎？」其實我一向不太收短期實習生，因為要花主管的時間訓練，而主管的時間也是公司寶貴的資源，而好不容易訓練起來了，他們還沒來得及為公司帶來貢獻，卻又離開了。

但是看在她是Savi跟Anna的學姐的份上，以及她媽媽平常真的是很熱於助人的家長會長，我也欣然答應， 只是沒有料到自己當初出於好心的善念，竟然會在接下來的一個月對公司出現了很大的影響力。

第一個禮拜，我怕Tiffany無聊，交給她功課，叫她去上網研究一下現在新的保養品牌的趨勢。

我沒有想到，一個禮拜後，她竟然會交出一份讓人眼晴為之一亮的報告。 簡報的內容，從排版，字體的一致性，以及堅持簡約的賈伯斯風格，重點是她不只分析出新型態的保養品牌趨勢，連他們各自的成功之道都分析的很透徹。從頭到尾沒有冷場。

我們聽完簡報之後，我在我們的主管群組傳了訊息：「我們真的是老恐龍了，今天Tiffany這份簡報非常的有價值，我們公司需要的就是這種新血，讓我們可以注入新思維」

我好奇的問了Tiffany: 「你這份簡報準備了多久啊？」

「三天」她害羞的說

「做得很棒耶，你的簡報能力跟搜尋能力是你在大學USC學的，還是在高中學的？」

「KAS prepares you well for the college， 因為我們在高中要常做報告，所以反而到了美國的大學就相對輕鬆」她這樣回答

「好，那我這星期派難一點的功課給你，你今天所報告的這些新創品牌以及明星自創品牌，你負責寫開發信給他們看看，讓他們知道台灣有一個佐研院可以為他們代工做出真正安全並且有效的保養品」

我們每星期三都會專門為代工業務開一整天的會議，討論我們如何能更進步的服務代工客戶，如何更有效的開發新客戶。

過了六天，我請Tiffany寄給我看她寫的開發信內容以及她的開發成績，我看了之後，眼晴為之一亮（again), 做了一些紀錄，決定明天跟同仁們分享一些好東西。

隔天的代工會議，當大家報告完進度後，我決定把Tiffany的開發信的內容截圖播放出來跟大家分享（沒有經過Tiffany的同意）

「你們看Tiffany寫的信內容，她是對每個客戶都做了足夠的研究，讓對方一看就知道這不是公版的信件，是有用心研究過他們的品牌核心理念，然後再把對方對品質的堅持跟我們佐研院的核心對接，讓對方知道我們會是最適合他們的夥伴。所以對方這麼有影響力的創辦人就真的回她信了」

我不吝嗇的在大家面前誇奬她，因為她才十九歲，又是實習生，其他同事不會把她當作是眼中釘。 重點是我想把好的，新的，更有效率的做事方式導入到我們的系統。

只有靠這樣的新血來給大家震憾教育，才是最快的企業文化進化。

隔週，我們的其他同仁也開始採取像Tiffany這樣先用心研究對方品牌的方式再引導對方來跟我們的殿堂合作，果然真的有效，開發信的命中率竟然提高了到了60%， 這可是很誇張的進步， 你們要知道，以前我們寄公版的開發信給300個客戶，有時連一封信都得不到回覆。

而Tiffany的進步跟影響並沒有就此停止，我又交給她新的功課，這次是幫公司寫企業介紹的英文版來申請Re100+（是一個世界級的能源永續組織）。

我只導覽帶她跟我走一次佐研院，讓她知道我們的企業跟其他企業的與眾不同之處，以及我們想要帶給台灣以及國際的影響。沒想到她又再一次寫出了一份令我驚艷的報告，直直打中我的心坎裡。

以下是我翻譯她寫的英文原文，身為創辦人的我都不確定自己的中文能否把她的好文章翻譯夠到位，但我努力看看。

JOLA INTERNATIONAL CO., LTD. is a Taiwan based company established in 2012 that focuses on manufacturing and selling skincare products. It is founded and led by CEO John Lee, who graduated from Ohio University with a Ph. D. in Chemical Engineering. Under his leadership, the company has grown to staff 120 employees in Taiwan and France.

佐見啦生技有限公司是2012年在台灣成立的公司，專注在製造跟銷售保養品。創辦人是李昆霖化工博士，畢業於俄亥俄大學。 在他的領導之下，這間公司已經成長到在台灣跟法國有120位員工。

JOLA INTERNATIONAL currently owns two brand: Timeless Truth Mask (TTM) and Jolab.

Timeless Truth Mask is a brand created out of love for skincare and
ambition to change conventional views of facial sheet masks. Starting off as an e-commerce mask brand in 2012, they soon decided to take upon a challenge and launch their products in one of the top countries for cosmetics — France. Their main goal is to debunk the belief that facial sheet masks are cheap and cannot be of the utmost quality. By doing so, TTM strives to change the overall attitude of consumers towards sheet

佐見啦生技現在擁有二個品牌：提提研（TTM)以及佐研院（Jolab).

提提研是被創生於對保養品的熱愛以及想要改變傳統對面膜觀點的野心。2012年從電商品牌出發，他們很快就決定要挑戰上架保養品最頂級的國家-法國。他們的主要目標是瓦解面膜是廉價產品並且無法達到高品質的傳統思維，所以提提研致力於改變消費者的整體對面膜的看法。

masks. Their journey to success relies heavily on the belief in improvement. Their core brand values can be defined in 3H’s — Humanity, Humbleness, and Humor. Their belief in building meaningful relationships with their consumers, never being complacent with their accomplishments, and learning to have fun in the meantime, is what led to TTM’s growing loyal fanbase and accreditation from globally recognized beauty organizations. In just 8 years, their face masks have been nominated 21 times by beauty awards in Europe, and further winning 15 awards — with their Anti-Aging Bio-Cellulose Mask being the
Gold Award Winner. Such accomplishments are only achievable because of their dedication and determination to always better themselves.

提提研的成功旅程有很大部份依賴於他們對於不斷進步的信念。他們的品牌核心價值可以被3個H所定義-Humanity(人性），Humbleness(謙遜），以及(Humor)幽默. 他們相信跟消費者建立起有意義的情感連結，永遠對自己的成就感到不滿足，並且學習活在當下，享受過程。這一切是提提研之所以會有不斷成長的忠誠粉絲並且獲得國際美妝組織的認證。在過去八年，他們的面膜在歐洲的美妝大獎入圍21次，並且贏得十五次-而且他們的抗老生物纖維面膜獲得了最佳抗老的金奬。只有靠著不斷進步的堅持跟奉獻才能有辦法獲得這樣的成就。

Whether it’d be working with researchers to meticulously select the best materials and ingredients for their masks, or holding a higher standard to their products and undergoing efficacy tests, TTM strives to always improve the quality of their products in terms of increasing trust, comfort, and that “wow” factor. To truly understand more about skincare and ways they can continuously improve, JOLA INTERNATIONAL launched a new brand: Jolab.

無論是跟研發人員挑惕的選出最好的材質跟配方，又或是堅持升級讓產品通過功效性檢驗，提提研不斷的在升級他們產品的品質讓消費者體驗到安心感，舒適感，以及驚艷感（我們中文稱為三感共構的開發理念）。為了讓他們自己更了解更多關於保養品以及持續進步， 於是佐見啦生技推出了新品牌：佐研院

On a basic level, Jolab can be defined as a research and development laboratory specializing in high-quality skincare products. However, it is more than just a laboratory or manufacturing facility, it is a brand. JOLA INTERNATIONAL wants to redefine conventional notions of factories by incorporating elements of a brand: emphasis on aesthetics and attention to detail. By
merging manufacturing, research and development (R&D), efficacy center, and branding aesthetics, Jolab is a brand that also doubles as a laboratory.

在基本層面上，佐研院可以被定位為專注在高品質保養品的研發單位。但是，它並不只是實驗室或是生產基地，它是個品牌。 佐見啦生技想要把工廠加入品牌的原素：對美學的強調以及對細節的重視，來重新改寫對工廠的傳統觀念。 藉由融合研發，生產，功效性檢驗以及品牌美學，佐研院是一個品牌同時也是實驗室雙重身份。

Jolab is created out of the desire to explore, improve, and break boundaries. They envision themselves as the leading player in Taiwanese skincare development and have already made progress to reach their goal. Jolab established Taiwan’s first Efficacy Test Center that also satisfies European safety assessments — a testament to Jolab’s promises to safety and effectiveness. As part of their determination to improve, Jolab upholds high standards against its products and its manufacturing process. Jolab works internationally on research projects with a renowned Swiss laboratory to develop exclusive ingredients. Jolab has over 30 available PIF (Product Information File) formulations available, which are a qualification for launching in theEuropean skincare market. Furthermore, all of the water used in the products are purified to the standard which qualifies for pharmaceutical manufacturing through the PIC/S standard water purification system. Through such dedication, Jolab aims to do more than just fulfill European PIF standards, further proving their determination to achieve standards above the top standards.

佐研院是為了探索，進化以及打破疆界而被創生的。 他們視自己為台灣探索保養品牌的先驅並且已經達到了許多成就。佐研院建立了台灣第一座功效室檢驗中心並且通過了歐盟的安全性測試- 來保證產品不只是安全，而且一定要有效。佐研院的高標準生產製程，以及在國際上跟瑞士知名實驗室開發出專利配方，都是他們對於不斷進步的堅持與承諾。 佐研院目前有超過三十多項產品的是通過歐盟標準PIF配方，並且全部用於製造的水都是通過藥廠等級的PIC/S淨水系統. 透過這樣的投入與奉獻，佐研院不只是達到了歐盟的PIF標準,而且還更升級達到了超越了最高標準的水平。（註1）

Through TTM and Jolab, JOLA INTERNATIONAL’s determination to constantly find ways for improvement ultimately creates impact both locally and globally. In Taiwan, TTM and Jolab are brands that stand out. Unlike traditional cosmetic brands in Taiwan, TTM started off as an e-commerce brand and aimed to market in France first. Moreover, TTM went through the hardship of acquiring PIF qualifications, despite it not being a requirement for Taiwanese cosmetic products. By creating products that fulfill more than just the bare minimum, TTM can overall increase the product quality in Taiwan by initiating a positive form of competition that benefits both companies and consumers. Moreover, by exposing Taiwanese cosmetic brands to the knowledge of international product requirements that are relatively more rigorous, it can speed up the pace of improvement. Similarly, Jolab not only improves individually but also helps to improve the entire cosmetic OEM industry by bringing and utilizing new, cutting-edge technologies that other manufacturing companies can learn from. At the same time, such improvements can change how companies and brands from abroad perceive Taiwanese companies as a whole. It may show international companies that Taiwanese companies are starting to shift from traditional business strategies and beginning to improve their product quality. More importantly, it could improve the overall national reputation of Taiwan.

透過提提研跟佐研院，佐見啦生技對於進步的執念在國際上以及地方上產生了影響。在台灣，提提研跟佐研院是突出的品牌。 不同於一般的傳統品牌，從電商開始的提提研直接攻打最難的法國市場。既便台灣法規並沒有要求歐盟的PIF規範，但提提研還是致力於達到了最難的標準。透過製造超過標準的產品，提提研提升了台灣整體保養品業界的產品品質。同時讓台灣的保養品牌同業們接觸更嚴謹的國際標準規範的知識，可以加速進步的改革。 同樣的，佐研院不只是達到了個體的進步，也藉由引進最新的技術，讓其他的代工廠可以學習，而幫助了整體代工業界的進步

如此一來，這樣的思維整體進步可以改變海外的公司跟國際品牌如何看待台灣公司。 這可以讓國際公司知道台灣的公司已經開始改變傳統便宜行事的思維以及開始提升品質。這可以提升整體的台灣國際名望。

JOLA INTERNATIONAL’s strive for improvement and impact does not end there. It has future plans to further better themselves, especially in the area of sustainability. Beginning with using biodegradable materials, JOLA INTERNATIONAL has and will continuously make more environmentally friendly decisions. JOLA INTERNATIONAL hopes to make greater progress and commitment toward sustainability and clean power.

佐見啦生技的進步跟影響並沒有就此停止，它還有更長遠的進步計劃，尤其是在永續這一塊。佐見啦生技將會持續做出對環境責任的決䇿，希望可以投入更多承諾在永續跟潔淨能源

＝＝＝＝＝＝
以上是Tiffany所寫的英文文章，你們可以想像這是一個十九歲小女孩所寫出的英文文章嗎？連我這個創辦人都無法寫得比她更好，更何況她才只加入我們公司才二個禮拜。

於是我興奮的把這封信寄給了我們在美國的好朋友們，他們都是在他們各自業界的大人物，一個是物流業，一個是廣告業，我問他們看了文章後感想如何？他們都說寫得非常好，文筆流暢，觀點清楚。

於是我立刻打電話給Tiffany的媽媽，說能不能讓她休學，我好久沒有看到這麼優秀的人才了，我想要好好培養她，把她帶在身邊，跟著我一起跟美國知名廣告商開會，跟著我一起跟美方討論合資子公司，不只是因為我需要一個英文文筆很好的小助理，而是我覺得她可以為公司的思維帶來正面的影響。

我對父母提案是： 我會讓她直接可以跟美國廣告的最高執行長做報告，等到她可以回去加洲時，她就可以直接去那家知名的廣告公司上班，那可是加洲數一數二知名的廣告公司呢。

她媽媽聽到以後很開心， 但還是說要尊重她女兒的想法，畢竟那是她的人生，但她會引導她女兒說這是很難得的實習機會。

隔天，她媽媽很興奮的跟我說，她至少說服她女兒先休學半年在我們公司實習，然後還一直感謝我，說我是她女兒的貴人

「其實是因為她很優秀，就忍不住起了想要培養她的念頭」我這樣回她

==================

昨天，Savi問我：「爸爸我以後可以打工嗎？」

「為什麼要打工？」

「因為我想賺點錢」

於是我跟她講了Tiffany來我們公司實習的故事，並且也給他看Tiffany所寫的文章是多麼的優秀。然後我跟他說：「爸爸並不是反對你打工，但重點是你選的工作是你可以從中學習，讓你變更好的人，而不是只為了存錢而打工，那就只會是浪費時間而已」

我鼓勵他，暑假有時間的話，還不如努力提升自己的能力跟思維觀點（像是大量的閱讀），就可以有機會成為像Tiffany學姐那麼優秀的人才。

「到時你的光采會如此耀眼，要讓人忽視你都很難」

我這樣的鼓勵他

註1: 最高標準的歐盟的保養品法規並沒有要求製程一定要用製藥等級的淨水器，但我們就是想要做到更好，引進了藥廠等級的淨水系統，於是超越了最高等級的歐盟法規

p.s.2 Tiffany現在才進公司第四個禮拜，已經開始直接做簡報跟美國的合作夥伴concall對談，我刻意給她舞台，讓她可以跟廣告公司的最高執行長以及營運長對談，這對她以後的職業生涯會有很好的幫助
。

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

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