各位善心的香港人，今朝大清早，尼泊爾駐港領事館門口收到兩大盒救災物資。無名氏放下了禮物，也沒有留下聯絡方法，以便道謝。

就此，尼泊爾領事先生托我向大家轉告：

Kindly be notified and also urge to notify bighearted donors that stuffs are to be sent to Nepal. 🙏🙏🙏

翻譯：誠請告知善心而慷慨的捐贈人，你們捐贈的物資，必定會送達尼泊爾。

有鑒於尼泊爾領事館只是一個很小的單位，如果大家有意捐贈抗疫物資，可以送去「香港退伍軍人聯會」的港九會所，以及我的公司。地址如下：

尼泊爾賑災物資收集地點：
Drop off points of donated medical supplies for Nepal:

（1）World War II Veterans Association
Moreton Terrace
Under Tai Hang Road Flyover
(Next to HK Central Library)
Causeway Bay
Hong Kong

Tel : 2544 6270 / 93386938 (Mrs Shally Ling)

Monday to Friday between 9am to 5pm

（1）二次世界大戰退役軍人會
香港銅鑼灣 摩頓臺 大坑道天橋底 中央圖書館旁

星期一至五上午九點到下午五點。聯絡人：凌小姐： 9338 6938/2544 6270
……………………………

（2）Mary Jean’s Insurance Office
Unit 20, 15/F, Block A, Wah Lok
Industrial Centre, No. 37 Shan Mei Street, Fo Tan, New Territories
Hong Kong

Tel: 2317-6388

Monday to Friday 9:30am to 5pm,
Saturday: 9:30am to 12.00

（2）翁靜晶保險顧問公司

新界火炭山尾街37號華樂工業中心A座15樓20室

電話：2317-6388。聯絡人：羅小姐

收件時間：星期一至五，上午9:30至下午5:00。星期六上午9:30至下午12:00
……………………………

（3）The Hong Kong Ex-Servicemen's Association
Rm 510, 5/F, Block 2, Wang Cheong Factory Estste
783 Lai Chi Kok Road (Tan Lai Street)
Cheung Sha Wan
Kowloon

Tel : 2387 4615 / 93386938 (Mrs Shally Ling)

（3）From Monday to Friday between 9:30am to 1pm

香港退伍軍人聯會
長沙灣荔枝角道783號 (丹荔街)
宏昌工業大廈 二座510室

辦公時間星期一至五早上9:30到下午1:00

聯絡人：凌小姐
電話：2387 4615 / 93386938

眾籌連結：

Hi all the fundraising project has been launched. You may share the link:

英文English

https://www.fringebacker.com/en/projects/covid-19-spiral-out-of-control-in-nepal/

中文 Chinese
https://www.fringebacker.com/zh-tw/projects/covid-19-spiral-out-of-control-in-nepal/

[時事英文] 「本土的」和「確診病例」英文怎麼說？
讀懂新聞英文，讓你邏輯表達、托福雅思寫作更有靈感
近 1000 位同學在學的英文思考術 https://bit.ly/3eTHIvH
　
同學看了陳時中部長籲請各方支持我國參加WHO的專文了嗎？
　
這篇專文絕對值得一讀，也統整了我們在粉專上整理出有關肺炎疫情的２５篇文章及關鍵片語：https://bit.ly/2WNcHSj
　
以下已為大家摘錄出中英文對照版，並為各位精選了關鍵詞與片語。原文的完整版連結請詳本文最末。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
The threat of emerging infectious diseases to global health and the economy, trade, and tourism has never abated. Pandemics can spread rapidly around the world because of the ease of international transportation. Among the most salient examples are the Spanish flu of 1918, the severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) outbreak of 2003, and the H1N1 influenza of 2009. Intermittently, serious regional epidemics, such as Middle East respiratory syndrome (MERS) in 2012, Ebola in West Africa in 2014, and the Zika virus in Central and South America in 2016, have also reared their heads.
　
1. the threat of ⋯⋯的威脅
2. emerging infectious disease 新興傳染病
3. abate (v.) 減少；消除
4. salient examples 顯著的例子
5. regional epidemics 地區流行疫情；地區性流行病
6. rear their heads（令人不悅之事）發生；出現
　
新興傳染病對全球人類健康及經貿旅遊的威脅從未間斷過，舉凡１９１８年西班牙流感、２００３年嚴重急性呼吸道症候群（ＳＡＲＳ）、２００９年Ｈ１Ｎ１新型流感等爆發的全球大流行，抑或２０１２年中東呼吸症候群冠狀病毒感染症（ＭＥＲＳ）、２０１４年西非伊波拉出血熱、２０１６年中南美洲茲卡病毒感染症等導致的區域大流行，皆因國際航空運輸而加速散播到全球各地，造成全球衛生安全不可避免的傷害。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
Today, a novel form of pneumonia that first emerged in Wuhan, China, at the end of 2019 and has since been classified as coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) has caused a global pandemic. As of April 20, 2020, World Health Organization data showed that 2.24 million people had been confirmed as having the disease, with 152,551 deaths in 211 countries/areas/territories. Taiwan has not been spared.
　
7. a novel form of ⋯⋯的新種類
8. be classified as 被分類為⋯⋯
9. a global pandemic 全球大流行
10. be confirmed as 被確認為⋯⋯
11. be spared 不被傷害；被赦免
　
更有甚者，２０１９年底從中國武漢傳出的不明原因肺炎，現已在全球各地爆發大流行，截至ＷＨＯ在２０２０年４月８日的統計數據，全球已有1,353,361名確診病例、79,235名死亡，影響範圍擴及２１１個國家／區域／地區，臺灣亦無從倖免。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
As of April 20, Taiwan had tested a total of 55,476 persons showing 422 confirmed cases of COVID-19, of which 55 were indigenous, 343 imported, and 24 are Navy members currently serving in the fleet. Taiwan has reported just six deaths; 203 people have been released from the hospital after testing negative. Despite its proximity to China, Taiwan ranked 123rd among 183 countries in terms of confirmed cases per million people. This has shown that Taiwan’s aggressive efforts to control the epidemic are working.
　
12. as of 截至⋯⋯
13. confirmed cases 確診病例
14. indigenous 本土的
15. proximity to 鄰近
16. in terms of 就⋯⋯而言
17. aggressive efforts 積極的努力
　
截至４月２０日止，我國已累計檢驗55,476例，共發現４２２起確診病例，其中本土５５例、境外移入３４３例以及敦睦遠訓支隊２４例。我國目前６例死亡；經三次採檢均為陰性的出院者２０３例。我國在地理位置上雖鄰近中國，然每百萬人口確診數在國際間排名約第１２３名，顯示臺灣防疫工作成效顯著。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
A crisis anywhere readily becomes a problem everywhere. Global health security requires the efforts of every person to ensure an optimal response to public health threats and challenges. Taiwan, though not a member of WHO, cannot stand alone and must be included in the fight against such threats and challenges. Taiwan has fulfilled its responsibilities as a global citizen and abided by the International Health Regulations 2005 (IHR 2005) in notifying the WHO of confirmed COVID-19 cases.
　
18. global health security 全球衛生安全
19. ensure an optimal response 確保最佳應變措施
20. public health threats and challenges 公共衛生威脅與挑戰
21. fulfill its responsibilities 履行職責
22. abide by 遵守；信守（協議、決定或規章）
23. notify sb. of sth. 將某事通報某人
　
疾病無國界，星星之火足以燎原，地方疫情控制不好即可能造成全球大流行。因此，維護全球衛生安全亟需全體人類共同努力，確保最佳量能因應公共衛生威脅與挑戰。我國雖非ＷＨＯ會員，但無法獨善其身、置身於全球衛生安全之外，故秉持世界公民之責，恪守國際衛生條例２００５（ＩＨＲ ２００５）規範，主動向ＷＨＯ通報確診病例，
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
Moreover, Taiwan has communicated with other countries such as Japan, the Republic of Korea, Singapore, Malaysia, the Philippines, the United States, Canada, Italy, France, Switzerland, Germany, the United Kingdom, Belgium, and the Netherlands, as well as the European Center for Disease Prevention and Control, to share information on confirmed cases, travel and contact histories of patients, and border control measures. Taiwan has uploaded the genetic sequence of COVID-19 to the Global Initiative on Sharing All Influenza Data (GISAID). Taiwan has worked with global partners to respond to the threat of COVID-19 to ensure that global health is not imperiled by a lack of communication and transparency.
　
24. communicate with 與⋯⋯交流（資訊、思想或感情等）
25. share information on 分享⋯⋯的資訊
26. travel and contact histories 旅行與接觸史
27. border control measures 邊境管制措施
28. genetic sequence 基因序列
29. be imperiled by 因⋯⋯而被危及
30. a lack of communication and transparency 缺乏溝通與透明度
　
同時積極與日本、韓國、新加坡、馬來西亞、菲律賓、美國、加拿大、義大利、法國、瑞士、德國、英國、比利時、荷蘭等國家及歐盟ＣＤＣ分享交流武漢肺炎確診病例、接觸者旅遊史、邊境管制措施等資訊，並將病毒基因序列上傳「全球共享禽流感數據倡議組織（ＧＩＳＡＩＤ）」供各國查詢，共同因應此波新興傳染病毒之威脅，確保全球衛生安全不再因缺乏溝通及透明度而產生致命性盲點。
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
We urge the WHO and related parties to acknowledge Taiwan’s longstanding contributions to the international community in the areas of public health, disease prevention, and the human right to health, and to include Taiwan in WHO and its meetings, mechanisms, and activities. Taiwan will continue to work with the rest of the world to ensure that all enjoy the fundamental human right to health as stipulated in the WHO Constitution. Echoing the mantra of the United Nations’2030 Sustainable Development Goals, no one should be left behind.
　
31. urge sb. to do sth. 呼籲某人去做某事
32. longstanding contributions 長期的貢獻
33. disease prevention 疾病預防
34. the human right to health 有關於健康的人權
35. will continue to... 將持續⋯⋯
36. fundamental human right 基本人權
37. the mantra of ⋯⋯的口號
38. no one should be left behind 不遺漏任何人
　
我們籲請ＷＨＯ及相關各方注及臺灣長期以來對全球公共衛生防疫以及健康人權之貢獻，堅定支持將臺灣納入ＷＨＯ，讓臺灣完整參與ＷＨＯ各項會議、機制及活動，與世界各國攜手，共同落實ＷＨＯ憲章「健康是基本人權」及聯合國永續發展目標「不遺漏任何人」之願景。
　
Dr. Chen Shih-chung is Minister of Health and Welfare in the Republic of China (Taiwan).
　
陳時中博士係中華民國衛生福利部部長
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
完整英文版：https://bit.ly/2WLrdKb
　
完整中文版：https://bit.ly/2yOzJQy
　
外交部 Ministry of Foreign Affairs, ROC（Taiwan）各國版本：https://bit.ly/2YYRRBU
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
Do you think Taiwan will participate in this year's World Health Assembly (WHA)?
　
★★★★★★★★★★★★
　
＃疫情英文
＃國際時事英文

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

最後生還者:重製版-遗落Left Behind前傳Part 2
**透劇者一律被封鎖BAN帳號
LIKE & SHARE 如果你喜歡這個影片，那會幫我很多
點擊1080p觀看高清畫質


****前面上一集回顧說的Outlast = The last of us ==" 講錯LOL !!! （拍謝)



關注我的Youtube: http://goo.gl/3TVkJT
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Left behind Part 3: http://goo.gl/yYrWSQ
DLC前傳Part 1開始看Playlist清單 : http://goo.gl/un38fb
原本The Last of Us Part 1開始看Playlist清單 : http://goo.gl/FH9UqP
原本The Last of Us Last part (上) : http://goo.gl/vHb2zO
Remastered版Photo Mode拍照模式 : http://goo.gl/kacisk


最後生還者：重製版把原本PS3的神作再一次推上另一個高峰。基本上利用強大Ps4的功能提升了整個遊戲的順暢度及畫感還加入了所有的DLC加強版内容，幕後花絮等等全部收藏在一片光碟内。新加入的牌照模式更可以讓玩家在這神作上拍下一幕幕的高清照片，真的很值得收藏。

The Last of Us: Remastered offers the award-winning game rebuilt to run in 1080p, with a list of upgrades including higher resolution character models, improved shadows and lighting, and upgraded textures. It also comes bonus DLC material included, such as the Left Behind single-player expansion chapter, the Abandoned Territories multiplayer map pack, and the Reclaimed Territories map pack.

____________________________________________



The Last of Us Remastered : Left Behind Walkthrough Part 2
The Last of Us Remastered : Left Behind Let's Play Part 2
The Last of Us Remastered : Left Behind Lets Play Part 2
The Last of Us Remastered : Left Behind Gameplay Part 2
The Last of Us Remastered : Left Behind Walkthrough Part 2
The Last of Us Remastered : Left Behind Gameplay Part 2
The Last of Us Remastered : Left Behind Playthrough Part 2
The Last of Us Remastered : Left Behind Let's Play Part 2
The Last of Us Remastered : Left Behind Ending
The Last of Us Remastered : Left Behind Part 2
The Last of Us Remastered : Left Behind Laowu
The Last of Us Remastered : Left Behind老吳
The Last of Us Remastered : Left Behind Part 2
The Last of Us Remastered : Left Behind大結局
The Last of Us Remastered : Left Behind完結片
The Last of Us Remastered : Left Behind終
最後生還者: 重製版- 遗忘中文Part 2
最後生還者: 重製版- 遗忘中字Part 2
最後生還者: 重製版- 遗忘中文字幕Part 2
最後生還者: 重製版- 遗忘實況Part 2
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