#英文履歷 #秘訣

雖然疫情肆虐，
但我們心裡還是有那個海外工作生活的夢。

既然如此，你應該趁疫情期間，
把英文練好，把英文履歷寫好，
這樣等到疫情過去的時候，
時機來了，才有辦法抓住機會啊！

今天，賓狗就來分享三個英文履歷小訣竅，
讓你不踩雷，求職魅力大增！

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1【不要翻譯你的中文履歷 】

千萬不要「翻譯」你的中文履歷，
否則會出現很多中式英語，
而且行銷跟包裝自己的方式，
也會跟英文世界的風格太不相同。

那應該怎麼做呢？
你應該廣讀英文履歷模板，瞭解大概的模式之後，
再思考怎麼把自己的職涯成就放進去。

即使你覺得自己英文不好，
我都建議用你熟悉的簡單英文句構，
用英文直接寫成，絕對比中式英文來得好懂。

而如果要追求更好的品質，
可以再雇用專業的老師，修改上述這份稿子。
#不要小看
#簡單的英文句構
#你會後悔

嗯?!?!

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2【多用動詞開頭並省略 I】

英文履歷中，描述職涯成就時，
可以省略主詞，直接用動詞開頭。

也就是說，把 “I” 省略掉，變得更簡潔，
反正履歷裡的成就，當然是「我」的啊，
我還沒事幫鄰居推廣他的成就勒～

快速上例子給你看喔：

應徵美國的 podcast 製作公司，
想強調自己在台灣好棒棒的成績：

（X）I produced a popular podcast show.

（O）Produced a popular podcast show which has been ranked among Top 10 in Apple Podcasts for more than 1 year.

應徵倫敦的藝術策展公司，
想強調自己在台灣幫很多獲獎藝術家策展：

(X) I organized many art exhibitions.

(O) Organized 100+ exhibitions for award-winning artists in Taiwan.

應徵瑞典的音樂串流產業，
想強調自己在台灣為公司帶來的流量：

(X) I successfully increased music downloads.

(O) Increased music downloads by 350% in 8 months.

看了這些例子，你應該也注意到了喔，
動詞一律用過去簡單式，畢竟履歷裡寫的都是當年勇 🚬

除非你在描述的那一點，是正在進行的事，
才改用現在簡單式的動詞

而從前面的例子，也可以看出，
多用數字，你的成就才會顯得具體而亮眼。

第三點就分享個數字相關的文法 👇

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3【increase by vs. increase to】

履歷中，用數字表達（吹牛）自己的表現時，
難免會用到百分比（%）。

而講到 %，
你知道 increase by ___ % 跟 increase to ____ %
有什麼差別嗎？

簡單來說，by 是增加的幅度，to 是增加後的總和。

例如，剛剛的音樂串流例子，
increase by 350% 是增加了 350%，
所以增加後的總和，就是 450%
Increase to 350%。

也就是：

Increased music downloads by 350% in 8 months.

Increased music downloads to 450% in 8 months.

天啊算數學，我頭好暈，再一組例子就好：

你想去日本的零食代理商應徵，
於是分享你在台灣銷售的佳績，
就可以這樣說：

Increased sales number by 50% in 3 months.
三個月內，銷售額增長 50%

Increased sales number to 150% in 3 months.
三個月內，銷售額成長到 150%

兩句話，說得是同一件事～

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以上簡單 3 個訣竅
如果你覺得這篇貼文很實用，記得收藏起來，
將來一輩子用得到 💪

其實英文履歷，還有很多眉眉角角，
一篇貼文講不完！

所以我推薦你線上課程
《Estella 政大商院熱門必修！驚艷外商的履歷面試課》

原本是政大的菁英課程，獨家轉線上 👍

現正早鳥優惠，下殺到 5 折唷！
再搭配你的專屬優惠碼 bingovip300，
直接 5 折後再折 300 元 !!

趕快點擊賓狗的專屬連結
升級你的英文履歷吧：
https://bit.ly/3wfct6t
（可以去限動上滑）

本則貼文感謝 VClass 乾爹贊助

#聽新聞學英文 #賓狗 #履歷 #英文履歷寫作 #Vclass #VoiceTube #線上課程 #線上

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

📣📣【艾蜜莉會計師粉絲好康：《鐵達尼效應：新創公司如何管理隱性債務，橫渡充滿冰山的大洋》贈書活動】📣📣

自己創業，也寫了一本給創業家的書《艾蜜莉會計師的10堂創業必修課》，今天來推薦一本遠流出版關於創業的好書《鐵達尼效應：新創公司如何管理隱性債務，橫渡充滿冰山的大洋》。

新創事業輔導及諮詢一直是我們會計師事務所的主要服務項目之一，多年來服務新創企業的過程中，我們發現不同產品、不同產業或不同商業模式的新創企業，其實都面臨許多類似或相同的問題。我認為我的書或許無法指引創業家通往成功之路，但相信可幫助創業家少犯一些錯、少走冤枉路。同樣地，《鐵達尼效應》彙整所有可能導致公司失敗的隱性因素，成為評估隱性債務的工具「冰山指數」，避開隱藏的冰山，其實抵達目標的成功率就更高了！

出版社提供3本新書給粉絲，本週在下方按讚＋留言「我要抽新書《鐵達尼效應》」，就有機會獲得這本新書。

PS: 如果要湊免運費的話，歡迎加購一本我的拙作《艾蜜莉會計師的10堂創業必修課》
bit.ly/emilybizbook或《艾蜜莉會計師教你聰明節稅（2020年最新法規增訂版）》http:// bit.ly/emilytaxbook20

去年夏天看到Dainese Smart Jacket 實品就想入手，中間斷貨好久，終於等到今年初才買到。可惜疫情爆發，還沒好好穿過。現在科技進步，短短幾年，不管是車還是騎士裝備的安全性都大幅升級。有能力選購新產品真的可以多看看，希望未來價格也會更普及化。I first saw this on display at WSBK Laguna Seca round. Tried to pre-order but it was always sold out. Finally ordered it successfully earlier this year. Too bad I haven't had much chance to really wear this product. Rider technology has advanced dramatically over the years. If you have the means, definitely check these new products out. There's no such thing as over protection when it comes to riding. Hopefully the price will come down more.

Bike: Yamaha WR250X

MotoVlog 211 摩托日記第兩百一十一篇

Outro Music: Trixtor - Just This Once

討論和使用的影片器材 Video equipment as used and discussed:
GoPro Hero 7: https://amzn.to/2PFHRZZ
Insta 360 One R: https://bit.ly/2wMzAMz
Insta 360 One X: https://bit.ly/338kigg

#'90年、任天堂情報開発本部が開発、任天堂より発売されたスカイスポーツSLGでありSFC本体発売の1ヶ月後に発売された作品。'88年に内密にではあるがプロトタイプがマスコミ向けに発表されている。後期ロットでは拡張チップDSP-1によるSFC標準機能を上回る映像技術を実現。プレイヤーは"フライトクラブ"なる養成所に入会しフライトスポーツを習得していくが、気がつけば軍隊の仕事をさせられている事になる。

作曲：近藤浩治氏、岡素世さん

Manufacture: 1990.12.21(J),1991.08.13(U),1993.03.21(EU) nintendo / nintendo Information Development Headquarters
Computer: super famicom+DSP-1
Hardware: spc700
Composer: Koji Kondo, Soyo Oka
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00:00 01.Opening (タイトル *近藤氏作曲)
00:21 02.Flight Club (フライトエリア紹介/教官のフライトエリア紹介等 *近藤氏作曲)
03:04 03.Choose Aircraft (セレクト/飛行種目選択)
05:52 04.Light Plane (ライトプレーン/ライトプレーン操作)
09:16 05.Skydiving (スカイダイヴィング/パラシュート操作)
11:59 06.Rocketbelt (ロケットベルト/ロケットベルト操作)
15:22 07.Hangglider (ハングライダー/ハングライダー操作 *近藤氏作曲)
18:32 08.Failure (失敗)
18:41 09.Great Landing (グレートランディング)
18:51 10.Good Points (成績結果・高/成績が高い時 *近藤氏作曲)
21:46 11.Bad Points (成績結果・低/成績が低い時 *近藤氏作曲)
24:29 12.Licence (ライセンス)
24:40 13.Bonus Game (ボーナスステージ *近藤氏作曲)
27:46 14.Game Over (ゲームオーバー)
27:56 15.Secret Command (緊急指令/黒田教官の緊急指令 *近藤氏作曲)
29:50 16.Helicopter (ヘリコプター/ヘリコプター操作)
34:16 17.Mission Finished (任務完了)
34:28 18.Successfully Rescue (作戦成功/人質救出成功 *近藤氏作曲)
37:22 19.Pilotwing Medal (パイロットウィングメダル)
37:38 20.Staff Roll (エンディング/スタッフロール)
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Korea CBT3 韓服封測

由於沒時間玩, 試玩就應該差不多到這裡了 (ΘдΘ；)
此職業操作應該很難,
只是看後期會不會比較有效率的打怪.

Here's a record for my bokor gameplay & walkthrough. Thanks TOSBASE for sharing the English translation pack,
changed into Rank 2 successfully.

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本人來自馬來西亞,
目前主要分享 PC & 手機遊戲,
目前嘗試實況中.
歡迎訂閱 ^ ^