[爆卦]remedy中文是什麼?優點缺點精華區懶人包

雖然這篇remedy中文鄉民發文沒有被收入到精華區:在remedy中文這個話題中,我們另外找到其它相關的精選爆讚文章

在 remedy中文產品中有4篇Facebook貼文,粉絲數超過23萬的網紅健吾,也在其Facebook貼文中提到, 各位,生成器也許已沒有用了。選管會一天就收到4500封電郵。看來,大家炸他電郵還是有點用的。 以下乃沈大師言為「內部AO提供範本」。的確是官話文章,請先仔細閱讀,才選擇是否發出電郵吧。 你還有5小時。 请广传,好人一生平安。 [#官方資訊] 早前分享了一位高級政務官朋友就《逃犯條例》...

 同時也有28部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過13萬的網紅遊戲皮卡嚕 PikaLu,也在其Youtube影片中提到,下半年十大期待遊戲 值得買嗎 遊戲介紹 聊Game 購買須知 遊戲情報 Death Stranding 死亡擱淺 邊緣禁地3 寶可夢 劍 盾 決勝時刻 現代戰爭 噬血代碼 Call of Duty E3 展 Doom Eternal 路易吉洋樓3 就剩你沒訂閱拉 !! ➔ https://goo.g...

remedy中文 在 - ̗̀ ä ̖́- Instagram 的精選貼文

2020-06-16 17:45:34

< 英文點搞呀?>🌝🌝🌝🌝🌝 話說我細個讀中文小學 之後升左上間英文中學 一開始連數學加減嘅英文 ie addition / subtraction 都唔識HAHAHAHAHA 嗰時用左唔少時間搞搞自己啲eng 雖然宜家啲英文已經退步左好多 不過大家都可以參考一下我啲小秘訣( ̄▽ ̄) - ...

remedy中文 在 bakizainal 巴麒 Instagram 的精選貼文

2020-05-11 16:36:36

“要有内涵”,”不要肤浅”。。这两句话是很多导演,监制所喜欢用的话。。但是”内涵”这个东西是很个人的。对你来说是很有”内涵”的话题也许对我来说只是普普通通的。对我来说很重要的东西有可能你反而会觉得很”肤浅”。。不久前我问过一位朋友一个对我来说是非常简单又很直接的问题。但他就答不出还搞到自己答案听起来...

  • remedy中文 在 健吾 Facebook 的最讚貼文

    2019-07-10 18:56:12
    有 354 人按讚


    各位,生成器也許已沒有用了。選管會一天就收到4500封電郵。看來,大家炸他電郵還是有點用的。

    以下乃沈大師言為「內部AO提供範本」。的確是官話文章,請先仔細閱讀,才選擇是否發出電郵吧。

    你還有5小時。

    请广传,好人一生平安。

    [#官方資訊] 早前分享了一位高級政務官朋友就《逃犯條例》爭議的感受,得到數千轉載,迴響十分熱烈,也有不少公務員私訊回應。本頁對象一直以黃藍以外的專業人士為主,雖然平日只分享國際視野資訊,但在關鍵時刻,也希望為一些平日對社會抽離的朋友,提供更多資訊參考。以下是我的另一位AO朋友擔心局勢惡化,希望以自己的方式真正為特區政府服務,因此以私人身份草擬的意見書,回應特區政府選舉管理委員會關於區議會選舉的官方諮詢,並使用了完美官僚理據、格式和文法,就DQ候選人提供了詳細意見。根據官方資訊,《逃犯條例》收到4500份意見書,其中3000份「贊成」,因此發出意見書並非毫無價值。這位AO表示,大家可以直接使用這格式,根據個人觀點加減內容直接電郵遞交,因為香港人大家都忙,這過程只需一分鐘,應該最符合成本效益。截止日期是7月10日或之前,請廣傳,好人一生平安。

    10 July 2019

    Chairman
    Electoral Affairs Commission (EAC)
    By Email: eacenq@eac.hk

    Dear Chairman,

    Public consultation on District Council Election proposed guidelines

    I write to object to Chapter 3 of the Proposed Guidelines, as it gives Government an unjust, unfair, and unchecked power to disqualify any candidate during the nomination period by reason of Government’s own political motives.

    Chapter 3.1 of the Proposed Guidelines says that : “Under the law, the validity of a candidate’s nomination is to be determined by the Returning Officer (RO). The EAC is neither empowered nor involved in the making of such decision and would not provide any advice on the decision made by the RO”.

    Chapter 3.9(b) of the Proposed Guidelines describes the requirement by which a candidate must declare (through signing a “Confirmation Form” by the EAC) that he would uphold the Basic Law and pledge allegiance to the HKSAR.

    It is totally unclear whether a Confirmation Form duly signed by a candidate is itself sufficient to discharge the candidate’s duty to declare his willingness to uphold the Basic Law and pledge allegiance to the HKSAR when he is elected to the office.

    Previous elections showed that an RO, who was a civil servant (pitched at Administrative Officer Staff Grade C / District Officer) appointed to the role of RO prior to the election, could make subjective and arbitrary judgment about a candidate’s state of mind and political orientation, with selective reference to some or a few past writings, speeches, statements, expression of opinions, posts in social media platforms in relation to the candidate, instead of merely looking at a Confirmation Form duly signed.

    I find it outrageous to see that Ms. Anne Teng, then District Officer (Eastern) appointed to the role of RO in a legislative council by-election last year, could refuse to acknowledge a confirmation form signed by Miss Agnes Chow Ting and disqualify her, citing absurd and arbitrary reasons with reference to some of Miss Chow’s previous remarks or those of her political party, and without giving Miss Chow a fair opportunity to respond to those reasons uttered unreasonably by the RO.

    The Proposed Guidelines shows that the EAC has failed its duty to introduce any additional safeguard or measures to plug this unreasonable, unlawful and unconstitutional loophole, which may still be freely exploited by any RO in the next election driven by bad faith and political motive.

    It is unacceptable that the EAC could confess that it is “neither empowered nor involved in the making of such decision and would not provide any advice on the decision made by the RO” (Chapter 3.1). I question how the EAC can still “ensure that an election is conducted openly, fairly and honestly at all times” – its statutory duty enshrined in the Electoral Affairs Commission Ordinance - when it is not involved in scrutinising or monitoring the exercise of an RO’s power in disqualifying any candidate at the RO’s own political preference.

    The Guidelines did not describe in detail how an RO could, on his or her own, research during the short nomination period the political belief and past sayings of any candidate. The Guidelines are also silent as to whether the RO would have received biased or secret advice from any agency such as Department of Justice, Constitutional and Mainland Affairs Bureau, Home Affairs Department, Information Services Department, etc., which may have compiled a detailed recollection of a candidate’s previous remarks in advance. It was suggested by some that such a compilation of speech or opinion records prepared by any agency other than the RO could have assisted the RO unlawfully in reaching a dangerous disqualification decision to deprive a candidate of the right to stand for the election.

    I must remind the EAC that the right to stand for election is a fundamental right guaranteed under the Basic Law and the Hong Kong Bill of Rights. The United Nations Human Rights Committee’s General Comment 25 also states that “political opinion may not be used as a ground to deprive any person of the right to stand for election.”

    I am disappointed to see that the proposed Guidelines have not offered anything substantive to protect a candidate from the RO’s unlawful interference in the election by disqualifying candidates he or she dislikes. The EAC must look at this carefully to see what it can do.

    The current remedy about determining the lawfulness of an RO’s disqualification decision through an election petition to be adjudicated later by the court one or two years after the actual election is totally unsatisfactory, with the lapse of time which delays the timely delivery of a just outcome.

    I stress that I object to Chapter 3 of the Proposed Guidelines in its entirety. I urge you to review all the processes described in Chapter 3 again and independently. In so doing, you must resist all political considerations wrongly dictated by the Chief Executive, Constitutional and Mainland Affairs Bureau, Department of Justice, or other government agency seeking to disturb the fairness and integrity of the forthcoming district council election.

    Yours sincerely,

    XXXX

    更新:有熱心網友翻譯為中文版,並對原文作出修訂,請隨便share/修改:

    10 July 2019

    選舉管理委員會主席 鈞啓

    選舉管理委員會主席鈞鑒: 關於區議會選舉活動建議指引公眾諮詢事宜

    本人謹致函對建議指引第三章表達反對意見。建議指引第三章將賦予政府不公平、不公正以及不被箝制的權力,容許政府於提名階段取消香港市民的參選資格,以迎合政府自身的政治目的。

    建議指引第三章第一部分(3.1)指:「根據法例,候選人的提名是否有效 ,完全是由選舉主任作出決定,選管會無權並一向沒有參與, 亦不會給予任何意見。」
    建議指引第三章3.9(b) 要求候選人透過簽署選管會擬備的確認書表明他/她擁護《基本法》並保證對香港特別行政區效忠。

    至於候選人是否能夠簽署確認書就能滿足擁護《基本法》並保證對香港特別行政區效忠的要求,建議指引對此完全沒有清晰交代。

    過往選舉顯示,首長級丙級政務官/民政事務專員級別的公務員於選舉前獲委任為選舉主任,便能夠就候選人的思緒及政治取向作出主觀且隨意獨斷的決定,並只需揀選候選人往日曾經發表的文章、言論、宣言、意見表達、社交媒體帖文以及社交媒體專頁發佈關於對候選人的帖文穿鑿附會,當作輔證,而非僅以候選人是否有簽署確認書為單獨基礎作判斷。

    去年立法會補選,時任東區民政事務專員鄧如欣獲委任為選舉主任,居然拒絕周庭小姐簽署的確認書,以周庭小姐及其所屬政黨昔日的言論去佐證選舉主任荒唐的理由,去褫奪周庭小姐的參選資格,並且沒有給予周庭小姐公平機會回應選舉主任的無理指控,實在令人憤慨。

    由建議指引可見,選舉管理委員會並無引入任何措施或保障,去堵塞上述不合理、不合法、不合憲的漏洞。今後選舉主任依然可以使用此漏洞,依據其個人的政治目的或理念,惡意褫奪任何香港市民的參選資格。

    選舉管理委員會於第三章第一部分(3.1)指:「根據法例,候選人的提名是否有效 ,完全是由選舉主任作出決定,選管會無權並一向沒有參與, 亦不會給予任何意見。」此點完全不可接受。當選舉管理委員會對選舉主任按其個人政治取向褫奪候選人參選資格的權力不作任何箝制、監察或審查, 又能如何履行其法定職責,「確保在香港舉行的選舉是以公開、公平和誠實的方式進行」呢?

    建議指引並無對選舉主任如何可於短促的提名期內研究並審查任何候選人的政治理念及昔日言論有任何著墨。 建議指引亦未有論及選舉主任會否收到其他機構的秘密意見或者偏頗意見。上述的其他機構,例如律政司、內地及政制事務局、民政事務總署或政府新聞處等,可能預先詳細記錄相關候選人的昔日言論。據悉,上述由第三方準備的詳細記錄可能不合法地導致選舉主任作出褫奪候選人選舉資格的危險決定。

    本人必須提醒選舉管理委員會,被選舉權是獲香港基本法及香港人權法案保障的基本權利。聯合國人權事務委員會第25號一般性意見亦指出:「不得以政治見解為由剝奪任何人參加競選的權利。」

    本人對建議指引並未就保障候選人不被選舉主任按其個人喜惡褫奪資格,防止選舉主任非法干預選舉採取任何措施深感失望。選舉管理委員會必須詳細檢視自己對上述問題有何解決方法。

    就選舉主任褫奪參選資格的合法性,目前透過選舉呈請,並於選舉完結一兩年後由法庭裁決的安排實在強差人意。當中所耗的時間令公義遲來。
    本人對建議指引第三章完全反對。本人懇求主席重新並獨立審視第三章所包含的所有程序。在重新審視的時候,懇請閣下撇除並抗拒所有政治考量,尤其是來自行政長官、政制及事務內地局、律政司及其他政府機構企圖干預未來區議會選舉的誠信和公平性的政治考量。

    敬祝 鈞安 XXXXXXXX 敬上

    2019年7月9日

  • remedy中文 在 Kai Chi Leung 梁啟智 Facebook 的最讚貼文

    2019-07-09 15:26:18
    有 39 人按讚


    學習官僚語言其實好緊要

    [#官方資訊] 早前分享了一位高級政務官朋友就《逃犯條例》爭議的感受,得到數千轉載,迴響十分熱烈,也有不少公務員私訊回應。本頁對象一直以黃藍以外的專業人士為主,雖然平日只分享國際視野資訊,但在關鍵時刻,也希望為一些平日對社會抽離的朋友,提供更多資訊參考。以下是我的另一位AO朋友擔心局勢惡化,希望以自己的方式真正為特區政府服務,因此以私人身份草擬的意見書,回應特區政府選舉管理委員會關於區議會選舉的官方諮詢,並使用了完美官僚理據、格式和文法,就DQ候選人提供了詳細意見。根據官方資訊,《逃犯條例》收到4500份意見書,其中3000份「贊成」,因此發出意見書並非毫無價值。這位AO表示,大家可以直接使用這格式,根據個人觀點加減內容直接電郵遞交,因為香港人大家都忙,這過程只需一分鐘,應該最符合成本效益。截止日期是7月10日或之前,請廣傳,好人一生平安。

    10 July 2019

    Chairman
    Electoral Affairs Commission (EAC)
    By Email: eacenq@eac.hk

    Dear Chairman,

    Public consultation on District Council Election proposed guidelines

    I write to object to Chapter 3 of the Proposed Guidelines, as it gives Government an unjust, unfair, and unchecked power to disqualify any candidate during the nomination period by reason of Government’s own political motives.

    Chapter 3.1 of the Proposed Guidelines says that : “Under the law, the validity of a candidate’s nomination is to be determined by the Returning Officer (RO). The EAC is neither empowered nor involved in the making of such decision and would not provide any advice on the decision made by the RO”.

    Chapter 3.9(b) of the Proposed Guidelines describes the requirement by which a candidate must declare (through signing a “Confirmation Form” by the EAC) that he would uphold the Basic Law and pledge allegiance to the HKSAR.

    It is totally unclear whether a Confirmation Form duly signed by a candidate is itself sufficient to discharge the candidate’s duty to declare his willingness to uphold the Basic Law and pledge allegiance to the HKSAR when he is elected to the office.

    Previous elections showed that an RO, who was a civil servant (pitched at Administrative Officer Staff Grade C / District Officer) appointed to the role of RO prior to the election, could make subjective and arbitrary judgment about a candidate’s state of mind and political orientation, with selective reference to some or a few past writings, speeches, statements, expression of opinions, posts in social media platforms in relation to the candidate, instead of merely looking at a Confirmation Form duly signed.

    I find it outrageous to see that Ms. Anne Teng, then District Officer (Eastern) appointed to the role of RO in a legislative council by-election last year, could refuse to acknowledge a confirmation form signed by Miss Agnes Chow Ting and disqualify her, citing absurd and arbitrary reasons with reference to some of Miss Chow’s previous remarks or those of her political party, and without giving Miss Chow a fair opportunity to respond to those reasons uttered unreasonably by the RO.

    The Proposed Guidelines shows that the EAC has failed its duty to introduce any additional safeguard or measures to plug this unreasonable, unlawful and unconstitutional loophole, which may still be freely exploited by any RO in the next election driven by bad faith and political motive.

    It is unacceptable that the EAC could confess that it is “neither empowered nor involved in the making of such decision and would not provide any advice on the decision made by the RO” (Chapter 3.1). I question how the EAC can still “ensure that an election is conducted openly, fairly and honestly at all times” – its statutory duty enshrined in the Electoral Affairs Commission Ordinance - when it is not involved in scrutinising or monitoring the exercise of an RO’s power in disqualifying any candidate at the RO’s own political preference.

    The Guidelines did not describe in detail how an RO could, on his or her own, research during the short nomination period the political belief and past sayings of any candidate. The Guidelines are also silent as to whether the RO would have received biased or secret advice from any agency such as Department of Justice, Constitutional and Mainland Affairs Bureau, Home Affairs Department, Information Services Department, etc., which may have compiled a detailed recollection of a candidate’s previous remarks in advance. It was suggested by some that such a compilation of speech or opinion records prepared by any agency other than the RO could have assisted the RO unlawfully in reaching a dangerous disqualification decision to deprive a candidate of the right to stand for the election.

    I must remind the EAC that the right to stand for election is a fundamental right guaranteed under the Basic Law and the Hong Kong Bill of Rights. The United Nations Human Rights Committee’s General Comment 25 also states that “political opinion may not be used as a ground to deprive any person of the right to stand for election.”

    I am disappointed to see that the proposed Guidelines have not offered anything substantive to protect a candidate from the RO’s unlawful interference in the election by disqualifying candidates he or she dislikes. The EAC must look at this carefully to see what it can do.

    The current remedy about determining the lawfulness of an RO’s disqualification decision through an election petition to be adjudicated later by the court one or two years after the actual election is totally unsatisfactory, with the lapse of time which delays the timely delivery of a just outcome.

    I stress that I object to Chapter 3 of the Proposed Guidelines in its entirety. I urge you to review all the processes described in Chapter 3 again and independently. In so doing, you must resist all political considerations wrongly dictated by the Chief Executive, Constitutional and Mainland Affairs Bureau, Department of Justice, or other government agency seeking to disturb the fairness and integrity of the forthcoming district council election.

    Yours sincerely,

    XXXX

    更新:有熱心網友翻譯為中文版,並對原文作出修訂,請隨便share/修改:

    10 July 2019

    選舉管理委員會主席 鈞啓

    選舉管理委員會主席鈞鑒: 關於區議會選舉活動建議指引公眾諮詢事宜

    本人謹致函對建議指引第三章表達反對意見。建議指引第三章將賦予政府不公平、不公正以及不被箝制的權力,容許政府於提名階段取消香港市民的參選資格,以迎合政府自身的政治目的。

    建議指引第三章第一部分(3.1)指:「根據法例,候選人的提名是否有效 ,完全是由選舉主任作出決定,選管會無權並一向沒有參與, 亦不會給予任何意見。」
    建議指引第三章3.9(b) 要求候選人透過簽署選管會擬備的確認書表明他/她擁護《基本法》並保證對香港特別行政區效忠。

    至於候選人是否能夠簽署確認書就能滿足擁護《基本法》並保證對香港特別行政區效忠的要求,建議指引對此完全沒有清晰交代。

    過往選舉顯示,首長級丙級政務官/民政事務專員級別的公務員於選舉前獲委任為選舉主任,便能夠就候選人的思緒及政治取向作出主觀且隨意獨斷的決定,並只需揀選候選人往日曾經發表的文章、言論、宣言、意見表達、社交媒體帖文以及社交媒體專頁發佈關於對候選人的帖文穿鑿附會,當作輔證,而非僅以候選人是否有簽署確認書為單獨基礎作判斷。

    去年立法會補選,時任東區民政事務專員鄧如欣獲委任為選舉主任,居然拒絕周庭小姐簽署的確認書,以周庭小姐及其所屬政黨昔日的言論去佐證選舉主任荒唐的理由,去褫奪周庭小姐的參選資格,並且沒有給予周庭小姐公平機會回應選舉主任的無理指控,實在令人憤慨。

    由建議指引可見,選舉管理委員會並無引入任何措施或保障,去堵塞上述不合理、不合法、不合憲的漏洞。今後選舉主任依然可以使用此漏洞,依據其個人的政治目的或理念,惡意褫奪任何香港市民的參選資格。

    選舉管理委員會於第三章第一部分(3.1)指:「根據法例,候選人的提名是否有效 ,完全是由選舉主任作出決定,選管會無權並一向沒有參與, 亦不會給予任何意見。」此點完全不可接受。當選舉管理委員會對選舉主任按其個人政治取向褫奪候選人參選資格的權力不作任何箝制、監察或審查, 又能如何履行其法定職責,「確保在香港舉行的選舉是以公開、公平和誠實的方式進行」呢?

    建議指引並無對選舉主任如何可於短促的提名期內研究並審查任何候選人的政治理念及昔日言論有任何著墨。 建議指引亦未有論及選舉主任會否收到其他機構的秘密意見或者偏頗意見。上述的其他機構,例如律政司、內地及政制事務局、民政事務總署或政府新聞處等,可能預先詳細記錄相關候選人的昔日言論。據悉,上述由第三方準備的詳細記錄可能不合法地導致選舉主任作出褫奪候選人選舉資格的危險決定。

    本人必須提醒選舉管理委員會,被選舉權是獲香港基本法及香港人權法案保障的基本權利。聯合國人權事務委員會第25號一般性意見亦指出:「不得以政治見解為由剝奪任何人參加競選的權利。」

    本人對建議指引並未就保障候選人不被選舉主任按其個人喜惡褫奪資格,防止選舉主任非法干預選舉採取任何措施深感失望。選舉管理委員會必須詳細檢視自己對上述問題有何解決方法。

    就選舉主任褫奪參選資格的合法性,目前透過選舉呈請,並於選舉完結一兩年後由法庭裁決的安排實在強差人意。當中所耗的時間令公義遲來。
    本人對建議指引第三章完全反對。本人懇求主席重新並獨立審視第三章所包含的所有程序。在重新審視的時候,懇請閣下撇除並抗拒所有政治考量,尤其是來自行政長官、政制及事務內地局、律政司及其他政府機構企圖干預未來區議會選舉的誠信和公平性的政治考量。

    敬祝 鈞安 XXXXXXXX 敬上

    2019年7月9日

  • remedy中文 在 Prudence Liew 劉美君 Facebook 的最讚貼文

    2018-01-12 07:05:10
    有 20 人按讚


    Worth your time reading this...Namaste !

    Teachings from Karmapa Trinley Thaye Dorje
    大寶法王聽列泰耶多傑的開示
    ( PLEASE SHARE 請分享)

    20171206
    If you try to find someone completely perfect in every way, then you will never find them. So in that way, we have to somehow not compromise but understand and accept that when we are in a human condition, the human condition is such that there is always imperfection. That's its nature. So when we accept it, then somehow it works. I think that's one way to have a realistic approach about finding a teacher.
    若你想找一個在各方面都完美的人,你永遠找不到。在這基礎上,我們不是要妥協,而是要明白和接受當我們在這人身裡,這狀態永遠都有瑕疵。這就是其本質。當我們接受,事情便會妥當。我想這是一個找上師的務實方法。

    20171205
    The expression and the quality of compassion is so important, for without it we will not be able to fully live our lives or experience any kind of peace. It is due to compassion that we can find peace, happiness and ultimately liberation.
    慈悲的示現和品質是那樣的重要。缺了它,我們不能盡情的生活,或經驗任何安祥。 因為慈悲,我們才可找到平和、快樂,及最終找到解脫。

    20171203
    As a Buddhist – a human being trying to follow in the footsteps of the historical Buddha – one could easily think that the teachings of the historical Buddha are absolute, but that is just human nature talking, because Buddha himself never said that his teachings were absolute to begin with.
    作為一名佛教徒-跟隨佛陀腳步的一個人- 我們很容易認為佛陀的教導是究竟的,但那是人性的對話,因為佛陀從來沒有說過他的教法是究竟的。
    He never implied that he had found a remedy. All he did was share his experience, like an open diary of his journey within cyclic existence – all of his teachings were basically diaries of the very process of life.
    他沒有意味過他找到補救方法。他只不過是分享他的經驗,像一本關於輪迴世界旅程的日記- 他所有的教導基本上是生命歷程的記載。
    And the so-called enlightenment was a complete understanding of life, and not fixating on anything as right or wrong, or black and white. And the only thing that is truly remarkable about the way he carried himself was that his intent and the motivation to share his experience had no agenda for power, fame, or fortune for himself.
    所謂圓滿正覺是對生命的完整理解,並沒有執著於任何對或錯、黑或白。而唯一真正突出的東西是當他分享經驗時,並沒有為自己爭取權利、名望或財富的意圖和動機。

    (英文原文及圖片來源:https://www.facebook.com/17th.Karmapa/
    (中文翻譯由本FB翻譯小組負責。若有錯漏,請見諒。節錄或載列文章內容以原文為準。)

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