<新聞> 參議員沃倫稱美聯儲主席鮑威爾為“危險人物”，稱她將反對他的再提名

2022 年 2 月，鮑威爾要卸任了，不確定會否連任 。
Elizabeth Warren 說他是個危險人物，不支持他連任。
Warren 的立場一直都很明確，她寫過一本書 <不大好笑的人生：伊莉莎白．華倫卯上華爾街的真實故事>，所以她會反對鮑威爾是可以理解的。

鮑威爾可能是有史以來，放水放最多的聯準會主席。
這不完全是他的問題。
因為任內兩位總統花錢毫不手軟，但他也透過各種將債務類貨幣化的方式，成為美國政府債務爆表的共犯之一。

但對於執政政府來說，這樣的做法很受歡迎。
所以，明年可能還是會連任吧？
但如果沒有連任......那問題就大條了。

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參議員伊麗莎白沃倫週二指責美聯儲主席杰羅姆鮑威爾領導了削弱國家銀行體系的努力，她發誓反對他的再提名。

在參議院銀行委員會聽證會上發表的講話中，馬薩諸塞州民主黨人列舉了幾個例子，她說鮑威爾美聯儲淡化了金融危機後的銀行監管。

“你的記錄讓我非常擔憂。一次又一次，你的行為讓我們的銀行系統變得不那麼安全，這讓你成為領導美聯儲的危險人物，這就是我反對你再提名的原因，”沃倫說。

鮑威爾沒有回應沃倫關於她將反對他的評論。

⭕️ 終止使用伊維菌素治療COVID19 (Sep. 1 ,2021):

✳《 美國醫學會 (AMA)》
✳ 《美國藥師協會 (APhA)》
✳《 美國衛生系統藥師學會 (ASHP)》
的聯合聲明：

⭕️ 強烈反對在臨床試驗之外訂購或處方或配藥伊維菌素來預防或治療COVID19。

⭕️伊維菌素是經美國FDA批准用於人類治療由體內和體外寄生蟲引起的感染。

⭕️ 伊維菌素也可用於治療某些家畜的疾病。

⭕️ 但它未被批准用於預防或治療 COVID-19。配製或擬用於動物的藥物, 人類不應使用。

⭕️ 因此，我們呼籲立即停止在臨床試驗之外開立、配藥和使用伊維菌素來預防和治療 COVID-19。

⭕️ 此外，我們敦促醫師、藥師和其他開藥者，社區值得信賴的醫療保健專業人員，警告患者不要在 FDA 批准的適應症和指南之外使用伊維菌素，無論是用於人類還是動物，以及從網路商店購買伊維菌素。這種藥物的家畜用形式是用於大型動物,濃度高,對人類構成顯著的毒性風險。

⭕️ 美國疾病控制與預防中心 (CDC) 和 FDA 已發佈公告，表明伊維菌素未被授權或批准用於預防或治療 COVID-19。

⭕️美國國家衛生研究院、世界衛生組織和Merk（藥商）均表示，❇沒有足夠的證據支持使用伊維菌素治療COVID19。

⭕️ 使用伊維菌素預防和治療 COVID-19 已證明❇對患者有害。

⭕️ 限制COVID19傳播的最有效方法是：接種疫苗、戴口罩、在公共場所與他人保持至少 6 英尺的距離、經常洗手並避免人群聚集。

⭕️ 特別提醒：AMA強調這種藥物的潛在毒性作用，包括“噁心、嘔吐和腹瀉。 過量服用與低血壓和神經系統影響有關，例如意識下降、意識模糊、幻覺、癲癇發作、昏迷和死亡。”

資料來源：

❇ AMA 發佈的官方訊息：

毋忘五大訴求　公民抗命有理
—10‧20九龍遊行陳情書
（案件編號：DCCC 535/2020）

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「毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中」
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胡法官雅文閣下：

　　2012年，我第一次站在法庭上承認違反「公安惡法」，述說對普選的盼望，批評公安惡法不義，並因公民抗命的緣故，甘心樂意接受刑罰。當年我說，如果小圈子選舉沒有被廢除，惡法沒有消失，我依然會一如故我，公民抗命，並且我相信將會有更多學生和市民加入這個行列。想不到時至今日，普選仍然遙遙無期，我亦再次被帶到法庭接受審判，但只是短短７年，已經有數十萬計的群眾公民抗命，反對暴政。今日，我承認違反「未經批准的政府」所訂立「未經批准的惡法」之下的「未經批准集結」罪，我不打算尋求法庭的憐憫，但請容許我佔用法庭些微時間陳情，讓法庭在判刑前有全面考慮。

暴力之濫觴

　　在整個反修例運動如火如荼之際，我正承擔另一宗公民抗命案件的刑責。雖然身在獄中，但仍然心繫手足。我在獄中電視機前見證6月9日、6月16日及8月18日三次百萬港人大遊行，幾多熱愛和平的港人冒天雨冒彈雨走上街頭，抗議不義惡法，今日關於10月20日的案件，亦是如此。可能有人會問，政府已在6月暫緩修例，更在9月正式撤回修例，我等仍然繼續示威，豈非無理取鬧？我相信法官閣下肯定聽過「遲來的正義並非正義」（Justice delayed is justice denied）這句格言。當過百萬群眾走上街頭，和平表達不滿的時候，林鄭政府沒有理睬，反而獨行獨斷，粗暴踐踏港人的意願，結果製造出後來連綿不絕的爭拗，甚至你死我活的對抗。經歷眾多衝突痛苦之後，所謂暫緩撤回，已經微不足道，我們只是更加清楚：沒有民主，就連基本人權都不會擁有！

　　在本案之中，雖然我們都沒有鼓動或作出暴力行為，但根據早前8‧18及10‧1兩宗案件，相信在控方及法庭眼中，案發當日的暴力事件仍然可以算在我們頭上，如此，我有必要問：如果香港有一個公平正義的普及選舉，人民可以在立法會直接否決他們不認可的法律，試問2019年的暴力衝突可以從何而來呢？如果我們眼見的暴力是如此十惡不赦，那麼我們又如何看待百萬人遊行後仍然堅持推行惡法的制度暴力呢？如果我們不能接受人民暴力反抗，那麼我們是否更加不能對更巨大更壓逼的制度暴力沈默不言？真正且經常發生的暴力，是漠視人民訴求的暴力，是踐踏人民意見的暴力，是剝奪人民表達權利的暴力。真正憎恨暴力，痛恨暴力的人，不可能一方面指摘暴力反抗，又容忍制度暴力。如果我需要承擔和平遊行引發出來的暴力事件的刑責，那麼誰應該承擔施政失敗所引發出來的社會騷亂的罪責呢？

社會之病根

　　對於法庭而言，可能2019年所發生的事情只是一場社會騷亂，務必追究違法者個人責任。然而，治亂治其本源，醫病醫其病根，我雖然公民抗命，刻意違法，控方把我帶上法庭，但我卻不應被理解為一個「犯罪個體」。2019年所發生的事情，並不是我一個人或我們這幾位被告可以促成，社會問題的癥結不是「犯罪份子」本身，而是「犯罪原因」。我明白「治亂世用重典」的道理，但如果「殺雞儆猴」是解決方法，就不會在2016年發生旺角騷亂及2017年上訴庭對示威者施以重刑後，2019年仍然會爆發出更大規模的暴力反抗。

如果不希望社會動亂，就必須正本清源，逐步落實「五大訴求」，從根本上改革，挽回民心。2019年反修例運動，其實只是2014年雨傘運動的延續而已，縱使法庭可能認為兩個運動皆是「一股歪風」所引起，但我必須澄清，兩個運動的核心就是追求民主普選，人民當家作主。在2019年11月24日區議會選舉這個最類近全民普選的選舉中，接近300萬人投票，民主派大勝，奪得17個區議會主導權，這就是整個反修例運動的民意，民意就是反對政府決策，反對制度暴力，反對推行惡法，不容爭辯，不辯自明。我們作為礦場裡的金絲雀，多次提醒政府撤回修法，並從根本上改革制度，而在10月20日的九龍遊行當然是反映民意的平台契機。如今，法庭對我們施加重刑，其實只不過是懲罰民意，將金絲雀困在鳥籠之內，甚至扼殺於鼓掌之中，窒礙表達自由。

堅持之重要

　　大運動過後的大鎮壓，使我們失去《蘋果日報》，失去教協，失去民陣，不少民主派領袖以及曾為運動付出的手足戰友都囚於獄中，不少曾經熱情投入運動的朋友亦因《國安法》的威脅轉為低調，新聞自由示威自由日漸萎縮，公民社會受到沈重打擊，我亦失去不少摯友，有感傷孤獨的時候，但我仍然相信，2019年香港人的信念，以及所展現人類的光輝持久未變。我不會忘記百萬人民冒雨捱熱抗拒暴政，抵制惡法，展現我們眾志成城；我不會忘記人潮紅海，讓道救護車，展現我們文明精神；我不會忘記年青志士直接行動反對苛政，捨身成仁，展現我們膽色勇氣；我不會忘記銀髮一族走上街頭保護年青人，展現我們彼此關懷；我不會忘記「五大訴求」，不會忘記2019年區議會選舉，展現我們有理有節。

　　法官閣下，我對於當日的所作所為，不感羞恥，毫無悔意。我能夠在出獄後與群眾同行一路，與戰友同繫一獄，實是莫大榮幸。若法治失去民主基石，將使法庭無奈地接受專制政權所訂立解釋的法律限制，隨時變成政治工具掃除異見，因此爭取民主普選，建設真正法治，追求公平正義，仍然是我的理想。在這條路上，如有必要，我仍然會公民抗命，正如終審法院海外非常任法官賀輔明（Lord Hoffmann）所言，發自良知的公民抗命有悠久及光榮的傳統，歷史將證明我們是正確的。我期望，曾與我一起遊行抗命的手足戰友要堅持信念，在艱難歲月裡毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中。

　　最後，如9年前一樣，我想借用美國民權領袖馬丁路德金牧師的一番話對我們的反對者說：「我們將以自己忍受苦難的能力，來較量你們製造苦難的能力。我們將用我們靈魂的力量，來抵禦你們物質的暴力。對我們做你們想做的事吧，我們仍然愛你們。我們不能憑良心服從你們不公正的法律，因為拒惡與為善一樣是道德責任。將我們送入監獄吧，我們仍然愛你們。」（We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you.）

　　願慈愛的主耶穌賜我們平安，與我和我一家同在，與法官閣下同在，與香港人同在。沒有暴徒，只有暴政；五大訴求，缺一不可！願榮耀歸上帝，榮光歸人民！

第五被告
黃浩銘
二零二一年八月十九日

Lest we forget the five demands: civil disobedience is morally justified
- Statement on 10‧20 Kowloon Rally
(Case No.: DCCC 535/2020)

Your Honour Judge Woodcock

In 2012, I stood before the court and admitted to violating the "Public Security Evil Law". I expressed my hope for universal suffrage, criticized the evil law as unjust, and willingly accepted the penalty for civil disobedience. Back then, I said that if the small-circle election had not been abolished and the draconian law had not disappeared, I would still be as determined as I was, and I believe that more students and citizens would join this movement. Today, universal suffrage is still a long way off, and I have been brought before the court again for trial. But in just seven years, hundreds of thousands of people have already risen up in civil disobedience against tyranny. Today, I plead guilty to "unauthorised assembly" under an unapproved evil law enacted by an unauthorised government. I do not intend to seek the court's mercy, but please allow me to take up a little time in court to present my case so that the court can consider all aspects before sentencing me.

The roots of violence

At the time when the whole anti-extradition law movement was in full-swing, I was taking responsibility for another civil disobedience case. Although I was in prison, my heart was still with the people. I witnessed the three million-person rallies on 9 June, 16 June and 18 August on television in prison, when many peace-loving people took to the streets despite the rain and bullets, to protest against unjust laws. Some people may ask, "The Government has already suspended the legislative amendments in June and formally withdrew the bill in September, but we are still demonstrating, are we not being unreasonable?" I am sure your Honour has heard of the adage "Justice delayed is justice denied". When more than a million people took to the streets to express their discontent peacefully, the Lam administration ignored them and instead acted arbitrarily, brutally trampling on the wishes of the people of Hong Kong, resulting in endless arguments and even confrontations. After so many conflicts and painful experiences, the so-called moratorium is no longer meaningful. We only know better: without democracy, we cannot even have basic human rights!

In this case, although we did not instigate or commit acts of violence, I believe that in the eyes of the prosecution and the court, the violence on the day of the incident can still be counted against us, based on the August 18 and October 1 case. And now I must ask - If Hong Kong had a fair and just universal election, and the public could directly veto laws they did not approve of at the Legislative Council, then how could the violent clashes of 2019 have come about? If the violence we see is so heinous, how do we feel about the institutional violence that insists on the imposition of draconian laws even after millions of people have taken to the streets? If we cannot accept violent rebellion, how can we remain silent in the face of even greater and more oppressive institutional violence? The true and frequent violence is the kind of violence that ignores people's demands, that tramples on their opinions, that deprives them of their right to express themselves. People who truly hate violence and abhor it cannot accuse violent resistance on the one hand and tolerate institutional violence on the other. If I have to bear the criminal responsibility for the violence caused by the peaceful demonstration, then who should bear the criminal responsibility for the social unrest caused by failed administration?

The roots of society's problems

From a court's point of view, it may be that what happened in 2019 was just a series of social unrest, and that those who broke the law must be held personally accountable. What happened in 2019 was not something that I alone or the defendants could have made possible, and the crux of the social problem was not the 'criminals' but the 'causes of crime'. I understand the concept of " applying severe punishment to a troubled world", but if "decimation" was really the solution, there would not have been more violent rebellions in 2019 after the Mongkok "riot" in 2016 and the heavy sentences handed down to protesters by the Court of Appeal in 2017.

If we do not want social unrest, we must get to the root of the problem and implement the "five demands" step by step, so as to achieve fundamental reforms and win back the hearts of the people. 2019's anti-revision movement is indeed a continuation of 2014's Umbrella Movement, and even though the court may think that both movements are caused by a "perverse wind", I must clarify that the core of both movements is the pursuit of democracy and universal suffrage, and the people being the masters of their own house. In the District Council election on 24 November 2019, which is the closest thing to universal suffrage, nearly 3 million people voted, and the democratic camp won a huge victory, winning majority in 17 District Councils. As canaries in the monetary coal mine, we have repeatedly reminded the government to withdraw the extradition bill and fundamentally reform the system, and the march in Kowloon on 20 October was certainly an opportunity to reflect public opinion. Now, by imposing heavy penalties on us, the court is only punishing public opinion, trapping the canaries in a birdcage, or even stifling them in the palm of their hands, suffocating the freedom of expression.

The importance of persistence

As a result of the crackdown after the mass movement, we lost Apple Daily, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union, and the Civil Human Rights Front. Many of our democratic leaders and comrades who had contributed to the movement were imprisoned, and many of our friends who had been passionately involved in the movement had been forced to lay low under the threat of the National Security Law. I still believe that the faith of Hong Kong people and the glory of humanity seen in 2019 will remain unchanged. I will never forget the millions of people who braved the rain and the heat to resist tyranny and evil laws, demonstrating our unity of purpose; I will never forget the crowds of people who gave way to ambulances, demonstrating our civility; I will never forget the young people who sacrificed their lives, demonstrating our courage and bravery; I will never forget the silver-haired who took to the streets to protect the youth, demonstrating our care for each other; I will never forget the "five demands" and the 2019 District Council election, demonstrating our rationality and decency.

Your Honour, I have nothing to be ashamed of and no remorse for what I did on that day. It is my great honour to be in prison with my comrades and to be able to walk with the public after my release. If the rule of law were to lose its democratic foundation, the courts would have no choice but to accept the legal restrictions set by the autocratic regime and become a political tool to eliminate dissent at any time. As Lord Hoffmann, a non-permanent overseas judge of the Court of Final Appeal, said, civil disobedience from the conscience has a long and honourable tradition, and history will prove us right. I hope that my comrades in arms who walked with me in protests will keep their faith and live in love and truth in the midst of this difficult time.

Finally, as I did nine years ago, I would like to say something to those who oppose us, borrowing the words of American civil rights leader Reverend Martin Luther King: "We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you."

Peace be with me and my family, with Your Honour, and with the people of Hong Kong. There are no thugs, only tyranny; five demands, not one less! To god be the glory and to people be the glory!

The Fifth Defendant
Wong Ho Ming
19 August 2021

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《白月光與硃砂痣》小提琴版本 | Violin cover by Lin Tzu An of《Bai Yue Guang Yu Zhu Sha Zhi》

大家知道白月光與硃砂痣這個比喻的典故嗎？
來來～～～大年初一聽cover長知識～～～
白月光朱砂痣的典故出處是張愛玲的小說《紅玫瑰與白玫瑰》，白月光指的是可望而不可及的人事物，常常和「朱砂痣」對應。原文是這樣的：「也許每一個男子全都有過這樣的兩個女人，至少兩個。 娶了紅玫瑰，久而久之，紅的變了牆上的一抹蚊子血，白的還是『床前明月光』； 娶了白玫瑰，白的便是衣服上的一粒飯粘子，紅的卻是心口上的一顆朱砂痣。」

大家有沒有發現「白月光」和「紅玫瑰」這兩個意象從本質上來說是一樣的，代表男人生命中遇到的各色性格不同又難以忘懷的女孩子，都是指愛而不得未能相守的遺憾，再加上所有回憶都停留最相愛的時候，不會去經歷柴米油鹽與漫長時光的折磨，反而停留在當初的美好時光，所以更令人難忘，成為觸不可及的床前明月光，刻在心頭無法忘懷的朱砂痣。

這其實是張愛玲對感情的悲觀意象，並不是白月光紅玫瑰本身有多麼美好，只是因為無法相守，而「得不到的永遠在騷動」，我們的才女張女士除了諷刺渣男喜新厭舊外，還有反對父權壓迫的層次內涵，張愛玲的諷刺總是非常辛辣的，算是早期辣妹代表啊🌶️🌶️🌶️🌶️🌶️🌶️🌶️🌶️🌶️

所以以後有另一半對著我各位有水準的聽眾說「寶貝，我覺得你就是我的朱砂痣」，先忍住不要打下去，請他來看我這篇，順便刷刷我的頻道吧🤓

歡迎大家在沒有下雨的週末到信義區香堤大道，聽cover歌曲的live版！詳細演出相關資訊，我都會更新在我的Instagram 限時動態！

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Do you guys know the metaphor from the book, Red Rose, White Rose, by Eileen Chang?
She used the metaphor of the red roses and white roses to refer to the grass is always greener on the other side of the fence, and trying to oppose against patriarchy.

It is not romantic at all when someone you are dating with say this to you (retarded tbh LOL) Please hold back your fists and cool down and tell the one to visit my post and enjoy my cover okay🤓

Should you have any request regarding cover songs, just comment below and let me know.
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Another week, another cover. Let's goooo, hope y’all like this!

Visit me at Taipei Shin Kong Mitsukoshi Xinyi Plaza to enjoy more my live cover songs. Check it out details on my Instagram stories!

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編曲Arrange：林子安 Lin Tzu An
混音mix：林子安 Lin Tzu An
小提琴 Violin: 林子安 Lin Tzu An
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【Cover by AnViolin】每週上傳新的小提琴cover影片，
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Watch Dogs: Legion
ซื้อเกมได้ที่ https://store.epicgames.com/legendauser/watch-dogs-legion

Watch Dogs: Legion is an action-adventure game played from a third-person perspective, and takes place within an open world setting based upon London, which can be explored either on foot - utilizing parkour moves - vehicles, or fast-travelling via the city's Underground stations. The game is composed of several missions, including those that progress the main story, liberation missions aimed at freeing the city's boroughs featured in the setting, recruitment missions for new playable characters, and various side-activities, with players able to freely pursue a mission or activity, or explore the city for secrets and collectibles. Each mission's objectives can be handled via one or several different approaches: an open-combat approach utilizing a variety of weapons; a stealth approach utilizing the environment to avoid detection and monitoring enemy patterns; or a hacking approach using any hackable object to subdue enemies with traps or distractions, while seeking out objectives via cameras and remotely accessing them. Combat includes a mixture of gun fights - involving lethal and non-lethal fire-arms - and hand-to-hand combat moves, with enemies making use of different methods depending on how the player acts against them in combat (i.e. a guard hit with a punch will use melee attacks). Players can be pursued by enemies when escaping, including hostile drones, but can lose them by utilizing hack-able environmental objects (i.e. vents) and avoiding line of sight with pursuers.

Unlike previous games in the series, Legion features the ability to use multiple characters during a playthrough, each of whom can be recruited from around the game's setting. While the player must choose a character to begin with after the story's prologue chapter, others may be recruited upon completing the initial story missions of the game from anywhere around the game's setting, which can also include those working for hostile factions. Those recruited become operatives that the player can freely switch to at any time, as well as customize with different clothing options, with each recruit-able character maintaining their own lifestyle and occupation when not active (i.e. spending time drinking at a pub). Each character that can be recruited have different traits and skills, based upon their background - a spy operative has access to a silenced pistol and can summon a special spy vehicle to travel around with, armed with rockets; a hooligan operative can summon in friends to help in a fist-fight; a builder operative can make use of large drones for heavy-lifting and a nail-gun for combat; while an "adrenaline junkie" operative can deal more damage, but risk the possibility of being knocked out/dying at any random moments. Operatives can gain experience when used by the player, which allows them to gain additional skills and abilities to improve them, with the player able to provide additional upgrades for all character by spending "tech points" - a collectible scattered around the city, which can be spent on weapon and gadget upgrades.

All potential recruits have an additional statistic, which details whether they can be recruited when approached - their thoughts on DedSec. Some recruits may not join if either they favour those that oppose them (such as a hostile faction), if the player has a character in their roster whom they hate or if DedSec did something to harm another NPC they have good relations with. If a recruit can be brought in, players will be required to complete a mission from them related to a problem they need resolving. An example of such a mission would be helping someone determine why they are being constantly spied on more frequently of late working as a vigilante in shutting down a criminal operation they seek to disrupt. Any character that can be recruited, can be killed during a playthrough by criminal gangs or law enforcement, and thus be permanently removed from the player's roster of playable characters, provided the player has the permadeath option enabled; if not, the character is merely arrested, and can be simply rescued by another operative. If the player loses all their characters from death or arrest, the game ends.

The online component of the game would be introduced through a free post-launch update in December 2020. Players can also join a team of up to four players in cooperative gameplay, sharing progression between single-player and multiplayer modes. They can also access Tactical Ops, which are co-operative missions designed for 4 players, or simply explore London together. The asymmetrical multiplayer mode Invasion would also return. The game also features a competitive multiplayer mode named "Spiderbot Arena" in which players assumes control of a gadget named spiderbot and compete against each other in free for all matches.