[爆卦]martial中文是什麼?優點缺點精華區懶人包
雖然這篇martial中文鄉民發文沒有被收入到精華區:在martial中文這個話題中,我們另外找到其它相關的精選爆讚文章
在 martial中文產品中有11篇Facebook貼文,粉絲數超過0的網紅,也在其Facebook貼文中提到,
《尚氣》(Shang-Chi)與翻譯
這部電影的中英對白比重大概一半一半
很適合觀摩字幕翻譯
特別是大家比較少注意的中翻英
翻譯有兩大常見策略:
歸化(domestication)
異化(foreignization)
歸化是以目標語的文化為依歸
異化則是刻意保留「外國感」
如果我們隨意舉例...
同時也有4部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過2萬的網紅Jing Jing Beh 妗妗,也在其Youtube影片中提到,#thejingproductions #bottlecapchallenge
The struggle is real.
Insist is the key to success.
So many do bottle cap challenge.
We do hambalang cap chal...
martial中文 在 Facebook 的最佳解答
《尚氣》(Shang-Chi)與翻譯
這部電影的中英對白比重大概一半一半
很適合觀摩字幕翻譯
特別是大家比較少注意的中翻英
翻譯有兩大常見策略:
歸化(domestication)
異化(foreignization)
歸化是以目標語的文化為依歸
異化則是刻意保留「外國感」
如果我們隨意舉例:「武俠」
歸化:martial arts
異化:Wuxia
這樣懂吧!
這部片的中翻英大多採用歸化策略
我推測是為求簡單明快
來看
梁朝偉飾演的角色「文武」這句中文詞
「我吃的鹽比你吃的飯多」
官方英文字幕就是採用歸化譯法
I’ve lived ten of your lifetimes.
明白點出他比對方多活了好幾輩子
如果異化,那就會刻意保留鹽和飯:
I’ve had more salt than all the rice you’ve had in your lifetime.
是否較為累贅,也沒有達到嗆人的效果?
很有趣的兩大策略,剛好想到跟大家分享
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整體來說,《尚氣》的中翻英偏向簡明歸化,用詞簡單
而英翻中則偶有明顯「翻譯腔」translationese
翻譯腔是嚴重受原文影響,甚至因此不太通順的譯文
舉例的時候就要出賣一下老婆以利說明:
搭電梯,門打開,確認該不該出電梯的時候,通常會說「要出去嗎?」或是「到了嗎?」
但今天老婆說「是我們嗎?」
我就笑了,反問她這是什麼英文式中文XD
因為我知道她腦海中一定冒出英文「Is this us?」
(就。很。可愛。)
片中歹徒威脅主角時下了個命令,並說如果配合,「就沒有人受傷」
我心裡馬上想說,這也太英文了吧(Do so and so and nobody gets hurt.)歹徒常用英文句型。
自然講話情況,中文應該會說「就不會有人受傷」或是「我就不傷害任何人」,比較通順吧
時至今日,英文電影和影集世界還是常常可見這類翻譯腔的英文式中文,這跟劇本對白編寫、導演和演員中文自然流暢度都有關係,大家可以特別留意,我覺得很有趣。
講到這邊,歡迎各國際影視製作團隊找我們當翻譯顧問🤓
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至於電影好不好看,我覺得我又被大家討論影響,期待過高了。只能說,如果你是為了看梁朝偉,可以😌
martial中文 在 PassionTimes 熱血時報 Facebook 的最佳解答
【訪問Galaxy Fencing World星劍道場創辦人梁文彥】
有看過電影《星球大戰》系列的,都會對片中炫目的光劍(Lightsaber)難以忘懷,但沒有幾人如梁文彥(Jerry)般,將這份喜愛加上對於史實歐洲武術(Historical European Martial Arts,簡稱HEMA)之興趣,成立道場與眾同樂。
「四位合夥人當中,我是唯一個仍然在學的。能夠寓工作於娛樂,因此非常享受目前的工作。」
目前Jerry正在中文大學修讀物理系二年級。兩三年前,他認識了多位同好,包括今日一起開道場的朋友,就開始練習對打。「最開始是在花墟公園,用『光劍』對打,惹來路人、警察在旁觀看。當時很瘋狂,一星期打三晚,晚上8點打到12點才願意回家。」
全文︰http://www.passiontimes.hk/article/02-07-2021/70253
(編按:本文刊載於熱血時報印刷版第89期。熱血時報印刷版訂閱連結:http://www.passiontimes.hk/4.0/regform.php)
#星劍 #梁文彥 #HEMA
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成功之前,我們絕對不要放棄夢想!
Till our dreams come true, we'll fight on.
martial中文 在 龍應台 - Lung Yingtai Facebook 的最佳貼文
小編快報
《柏林脈動》(The Berlin Pulse) 今天出刊了。這是德國一年一度的外交及國際關係專刊。作者群包括學者、智庫專家、政府官員。
這一期談歐洲問題的作者有波蘭外長、Moldova 總理、德國國防部長等等等。
今年《脈動》特別做了中國專題,作者有五位,分別是:
中國的全國人大外事委員會副主任委員傅瑩、日本眾議會議員Minora Kiuchi、巴黎的中國問題專家Francois Godement、曾任澳洲駐華大使,現任外交及貿易秘書長的Frances Adamson,以及台灣的龍應台。
德國編輯在文末放了一個德國的民意調查圖表,提問是:「面對中國,你認為德國應該更強力保護自己的政治利益,即使犧牲經濟利益?」
答案:贊成 76%
反對 19%
小編把龍應台文章翻譯成中文,跟讀者分享。英文原文附在後面。如果嫌我翻譯得不好,那那那,那表示你英文很好,你就看英文吧......
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兩千三百萬人在獨木舟上
——為什麼歐洲應該關切台灣的未來
反對黨公布2020總統候選人名單的那一天,我在台北和知識圈的朋友們午餐。那悲觀的,用問句來表達自己的悲觀,譬如,「你覺得台灣還有多少年?」那樂觀的,用黑色幽默來表達樂觀,譬如,「感謝老天。香港讓他們太忙了,沒時間管台灣。」
跟德國一樣,台灣對中國大陸和香港的貿易順差,在2018年是831億美元。百分之四十一的對外貿易針對中國,中國大陸市場對台灣的重要不言而喻。然而,隨著近年來台灣海峽兩岸的關係緊張,反對黨(國民黨) 憂慮市場的優勢無法持續,而執政黨(民進黨) 則選擇強化選民對北京的不信任來抵制中國的影響力。執政黨最近提出的國安新法可能將任何被認定為為中國宣傳者入罪。
和歐洲一樣,台灣人對中國的感受也是複雜的。 當中國代表的是活躍的經濟機會時,很多台灣人就容易所謂「親中」,當中國代表的是壓迫和可能的入侵時,很多台灣人就是所謂的「反中」。問題是,中國兩者兼備。後果就是,台灣內部的分歧遠遠超過了僅只是政治和經濟的層面。
如果你知道台灣是如何一路走來的,你會覺得它今天變成一個民主社會真是一個不得了的成就。沒有革命,一黨獨裁四十年的國民黨,不管你說它是自願還是被迫,放下了政權,分享權力。沒有流血,昔日牢裡的政治犯變成今日的立法者和政治領袖。1987年解嚴以後,政權的交替基本上公平而有序地進行了三十年。
台灣安靜地進行了三十年的民主,時間幾乎和它的國際孤立一樣長。美國不承認台灣的國家地位,但是,就如同當年對於德國,美國也扮演了安全守護者的角色。令人不安的是,在美國宣布要把軍售台灣常態化的同時,中國也宣布,它在台灣海峽及其領空,要把軍艦和戰機的演習常態化。
所以台灣民主的威脅其實是雙重的。比較明顯的是中國的威脅,這個威脅,往往超出台灣本身的控制能力。一個不那麼明顯的威脅,卻是內部自製的。台灣的政治人物和政黨熱切拿這個威脅做為政治資本,刺激集體恐懼來強化部落式的愛國主義。這種操作的成功,對台灣的民主制度和機構本身,是個真實的危險。
國際上那些純粹為了攻擊中國而故意把台灣捧在手心讚美的人,其實讓我坐立不安。一代又一代的台灣人為民主付出了代價,很大的代價,而得到今天的成果。這個成果,太珍貴了,不可以變成別人或別國為了自己的利益而拿來玩弄的籌碼或棋子。
德國的歷史是特殊的。德國的人民親身目睹了,如果不戒慎恐懼地去維護,一個開放合理的社會制度是如何容易地瓦解,一夜之間可以被獨裁取代。經歷了二戰,又擺脫了共產黨的歷史爭取到自由,德國可能比很多其他國家更容易理解台灣人的困境和追求。道德勇氣的來源往往是歷史的痛苦。身為歐盟的重要成員,德國有責任為世界的和平做出最大的努力,發揮最大的影響力。
但是,歐洲憑什麼一定要關心台灣呢?
首先,如果沒有台灣模式,全世界大概就都得接受一種說法,就是,儒家文化和民主制度是無法相容的,而所謂「中國模式」就是唯一邏輯、不可避免的現代中國。台灣的存在證明了一件事:未必如此。
第二,台灣本身的努力值得世界的尊敬。沒錯,如果中國是一艘航空母艦,那麼台灣只不過是一葉孤零零的獨木舟。可是在這個獨木舟上有兩千三百萬人正在追求一種有自由、有尊嚴的生活方式。如果台灣是歐盟的一個成員,就人口論,台灣就是二十八個成員國(英國脫歐後二十七國)中第七大國,比波蘭稍小,但比荷蘭和比利時大。以經濟購買力來看,台灣更是名列全球第二十二。所以,歐洲可以想像剝奪波蘭人或者荷蘭人對生活方式和政治體制的選擇權利嗎?
23 Million People on a Canoe
—Why Europe should care about Taiwan’s future
Lung Yingtai
On the day when the opposition party announced its presidential candidate for the 2020 election, I was sitting at a lunch table in Taipei listening to my intellectual friends uttering their concerns about the future of Taiwan. The pessimists phrased their pessimism in the form of questions such as “How many years do you think Taiwan has left?” The optimists expressed their optimism with dark humour, “Thank God they will be too busy with Hong Kong and the US for a while.”
Like Germany, Taiwan operates a trade surplus with mainland China and Hong Kong, amounting to $83.1 billion in 2018. With 41% of Taiwan’s exports going to China, Taipei’s economy depends on trade with the mainland. However, given the increasing tension across the Taiwan Strait, the opposition Kuomintang (KMT) in particular has been worrying whether Taiwan will be able to sustain these figures. The ruling Democratic Progressive Party, on the other hand, is capitalizing on voters’ intense distrust of Beijing, stepping up measures to “contain” China’s influence. Taipei recently drafted a national security law that would make it a punishable offense to spread “political propaganda” for China.
As in Europe, Taiwanese feel highly ambivalent about mainland China: When China signifies economic opportunities, most Taiwanese are 23 Million People on a Canoe Why Europe should care about Taiwan’s future “pro-China”; when China represents oppression and potential invasion, most Taiwanese are “anti-China”. The problem is that China resembles both. The result is a deep division among Taiwanese extending far beyond the political and economic spheres.
Given the circumstances under which Taiwan emerged and evolved, its evolution into an authentic democracy represents an extraordinary achievement. It was without a revolution that the KMT, which had ruled Taiwan for more than 40 years, put an end to martial law and, whether convinced or compelled to act, opened the country’s political system to sharing power. Without bloodshed, dissidents who had once sat in jails became legislators and political leaders. Since the lifting of martial law 1987, power has changed hands fairly and orderly, following the results of each election.
Taiwan has been a quiet democracy for more than thirty years, nearly as long as the four decades during which it has been isolated by the international community. The US does not formally recognize Taiwan but, as with Germany, acts as the country’s security guarantor. While Washington has indicated that arms sales to Taiwan will become more of a routine, China has devised a routine of its own by holding long-range combat drills and ordering its fighter jets to cross the maritime line.
However, the threat to Taiwanese democracy is twofold. The obvious one comes from China, and to a large extent lies beyond Taipei’s control. The less obvious threat is home-made, as the looming China threat tempts domestic politicians to mobilize the population’s collective fear to foment a tribal nationalism. Their success would pose a real danger to Taiwan’s democratic institutions.
Those who applaud Taiwanese democracy for the sole purpose of criticizing China make me nervous. Generations of Taiwanese fought and ultimately achieved a democracy – it is simply too precious for other people’s agendas, internal or external.
Germany has a unique history: its people have experienced first-hand how easily democratic institutions may fall apart when not meticulously guarded. Having received democracy as a gift following World War II and struggled to regain their freedom from Communist rule, Germans are in a unique position to understand both the predicament as well as the aspirations of the Taiwanese. Moral courage often comes from past sufferings. As a leading EU member state, Germany has a responsibility to maximize its own efforts as well as to influence others’ efforts for world peace.
But why should the world care about the future of Taiwan? First of all, save the Taiwan model, the world might have to accept the claim that democracy and Confucianism are incompatible, and that a communist China presents the only logical and inevitable path to modernity. Secondly, Taiwan deserves respect on its own merits. True, if China were an aircraft carrier, Taiwan would be a lone canoe. But standing on this canoe are 23 million people aspiring for a life with liberty and dignity. If it were an EU member, Taiwan would be the 7th largest of the Union’s 28 member-states (27 after Brexit), smaller than Poland but larger than the Netherlands or Belgium, with a developed economy ranking 22nd in the world by purchasing power parity. Do we really want to return to a world in which it is imaginable that countries such as Poland or the Netherlands should be deprived of their autonomy to determine their own way of life and political system?
The Berlin Pulse 2019
龍應台專文:https://www.koerber-stiftung.de/fileadmin/user_upload/koerber-stiftung/redaktion/the-berlin-pulse/pdf/2019/3_Koerber_TheBerlinPulse_YingTai.pdf
全本:https://www.koerber-stiftung.de/fileadmin/user_upload/koerber-stiftung/redaktion/the-berlin-pulse/pdf/2019/TheBerlinPulse_2019_FINAL.pdf