小編快報
《柏林脈動》（The Berlin Pulse) 今天出刊了。這是德國一年一度的外交及國際關係專刊。作者群包括學者、智庫專家、政府官員。

這一期談歐洲問題的作者有波蘭外長、Moldova 總理、德國國防部長等等等。

今年《脈動》特別做了中國專題，作者有五位，分別是：
中國的全國人大外事委員會副主任委員傅瑩、日本眾議會議員Minora Kiuchi、巴黎的中國問題專家Francois Godement、曾任澳洲駐華大使，現任外交及貿易秘書長的Frances Adamson，以及台灣的龍應台。

德國編輯在文末放了一個德國的民意調查圖表，提問是：「面對中國，你認為德國應該更強力保護自己的政治利益，即使犧牲經濟利益？」
答案：贊成 76%
反對 19%

小編把龍應台文章翻譯成中文，跟讀者分享。英文原文附在後面。如果嫌我翻譯得不好，那那那，那表示你英文很好，你就看英文吧......
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兩千三百萬人在獨木舟上
——為什麼歐洲應該關切台灣的未來

反對黨公布2020總統候選人名單的那一天，我在台北和知識圈的朋友們午餐。那悲觀的，用問句來表達自己的悲觀，譬如，「你覺得台灣還有多少年?」那樂觀的，用黑色幽默來表達樂觀，譬如，「感謝老天。香港讓他們太忙了，沒時間管台灣。」

跟德國一樣，台灣對中國大陸和香港的貿易順差，在2018年是831億美元。百分之四十一的對外貿易針對中國，中國大陸市場對台灣的重要不言而喻。然而，隨著近年來台灣海峽兩岸的關係緊張，反對黨(國民黨) 憂慮市場的優勢無法持續，而執政黨(民進黨) 則選擇強化選民對北京的不信任來抵制中國的影響力。執政黨最近提出的國安新法可能將任何被認定為為中國宣傳者入罪。

和歐洲一樣，台灣人對中國的感受也是複雜的。 當中國代表的是活躍的經濟機會時，很多台灣人就容易所謂「親中」，當中國代表的是壓迫和可能的入侵時，很多台灣人就是所謂的「反中」。問題是，中國兩者兼備。後果就是，台灣內部的分歧遠遠超過了僅只是政治和經濟的層面。

如果你知道台灣是如何一路走來的，你會覺得它今天變成一個民主社會真是一個不得了的成就。沒有革命，一黨獨裁四十年的國民黨，不管你說它是自願還是被迫，放下了政權，分享權力。沒有流血，昔日牢裡的政治犯變成今日的立法者和政治領袖。1987年解嚴以後，政權的交替基本上公平而有序地進行了三十年。

台灣安靜地進行了三十年的民主，時間幾乎和它的國際孤立一樣長。美國不承認台灣的國家地位，但是，就如同當年對於德國，美國也扮演了安全守護者的角色。令人不安的是，在美國宣布要把軍售台灣常態化的同時，中國也宣布，它在台灣海峽及其領空，要把軍艦和戰機的演習常態化。

所以台灣民主的威脅其實是雙重的。比較明顯的是中國的威脅，這個威脅，往往超出台灣本身的控制能力。一個不那麼明顯的威脅，卻是內部自製的。台灣的政治人物和政黨熱切拿這個威脅做為政治資本，刺激集體恐懼來強化部落式的愛國主義。這種操作的成功，對台灣的民主制度和機構本身，是個真實的危險。

國際上那些純粹為了攻擊中國而故意把台灣捧在手心讚美的人，其實讓我坐立不安。一代又一代的台灣人為民主付出了代價，很大的代價，而得到今天的成果。這個成果，太珍貴了，不可以變成別人或別國為了自己的利益而拿來玩弄的籌碼或棋子。

德國的歷史是特殊的。德國的人民親身目睹了，如果不戒慎恐懼地去維護，一個開放合理的社會制度是如何容易地瓦解，一夜之間可以被獨裁取代。經歷了二戰，又擺脫了共產黨的歷史爭取到自由，德國可能比很多其他國家更容易理解台灣人的困境和追求。道德勇氣的來源往往是歷史的痛苦。身為歐盟的重要成員，德國有責任為世界的和平做出最大的努力，發揮最大的影響力。

但是，歐洲憑什麼一定要關心台灣呢?

首先，如果沒有台灣模式，全世界大概就都得接受一種說法，就是，儒家文化和民主制度是無法相容的，而所謂「中國模式」就是唯一邏輯、不可避免的現代中國。台灣的存在證明了一件事：未必如此。

第二，台灣本身的努力值得世界的尊敬。沒錯，如果中國是一艘航空母艦，那麼台灣只不過是一葉孤零零的獨木舟。可是在這個獨木舟上有兩千三百萬人正在追求一種有自由、有尊嚴的生活方式。如果台灣是歐盟的一個成員，就人口論，台灣就是二十八個成員國(英國脫歐後二十七國)中第七大國，比波蘭稍小，但比荷蘭和比利時大。以經濟購買力來看，台灣更是名列全球第二十二。所以，歐洲可以想像剝奪波蘭人或者荷蘭人對生活方式和政治體制的選擇權利嗎?

23 Million People on a Canoe
—Why Europe should care about Taiwan’s future

Lung Yingtai

On the day when the opposition party announced its presidential candidate for the 2020 election, I was sitting at a lunch table in Taipei listening to my intellectual friends uttering their concerns about the future of Taiwan. The pessimists phrased their pessimism in the form of questions such as “How many years do you think Taiwan has left?” The optimists expressed their optimism with dark humour, “Thank God they will be too busy with Hong Kong and the US for a while.”

Like Germany, Taiwan operates a trade surplus with mainland China and Hong Kong, amounting to $83.1 billion in 2018. With 41% of Taiwan’s exports going to China, Taipei’s economy depends on trade with the mainland. However, given the increasing tension across the Taiwan Strait, the opposition Kuomintang (KMT) in particular has been worrying whether Taiwan will be able to sustain these figures. The ruling Democratic Progressive Party, on the other hand, is capitalizing on voters’ intense distrust of Beijing, stepping up measures to “contain” China’s influence. Taipei recently drafted a national security law that would make it a punishable offense to spread “political propaganda” for China.

As in Europe, Taiwanese feel highly ambivalent about mainland China: When China signifies economic opportunities, most Taiwanese are 23 Million People on a Canoe Why Europe should care about Taiwan’s future “pro-China”; when China represents oppression and potential invasion, most Taiwanese are “anti-China”. The problem is that China resembles both. The result is a deep division among Taiwanese extending far beyond the political and economic spheres.

Given the circumstances under which Taiwan emerged and evolved, its evolution into an authentic democracy represents an extraordinary achievement. It was without a revolution that the KMT, which had ruled Taiwan for more than 40 years, put an end to martial law and, whether convinced or compelled to act, opened the country’s political system to sharing power. Without bloodshed, dissidents who had once sat in jails became legislators and political leaders. Since the lifting of martial law 1987, power has changed hands fairly and orderly, following the results of each election.

Taiwan has been a quiet democracy for more than thirty years, nearly as long as the four decades during which it has been isolated by the international community. The US does not formally recognize Taiwan but, as with Germany, acts as the country’s security guarantor. While Washington has indicated that arms sales to Taiwan will become more of a routine, China has devised a routine of its own by holding long-range combat drills and ordering its fighter jets to cross the maritime line.

However, the threat to Taiwanese democracy is twofold. The obvious one comes from China, and to a large extent lies beyond Taipei’s control. The less obvious threat is home-made, as the looming China threat tempts domestic politicians to mobilize the population’s collective fear to foment a tribal nationalism. Their success would pose a real danger to Taiwan’s democratic institutions.

Those who applaud Taiwanese democracy for the sole purpose of criticizing China make me nervous. Generations of Taiwanese fought and ultimately achieved a democracy – it is simply too precious for other people’s agendas, internal or external.

Germany has a unique history: its people have experienced first-hand how easily democratic institutions may fall apart when not meticulously guarded. Having received democracy as a gift following World War II and struggled to regain their freedom from Communist rule, Germans are in a unique position to understand both the predicament as well as the aspirations of the Taiwanese. Moral courage often comes from past sufferings. As a leading EU member state, Germany has a responsibility to maximize its own efforts as well as to influence others’ efforts for world peace.

But why should the world care about the future of Taiwan? First of all, save the Taiwan model, the world might have to accept the claim that democracy and Confucianism are incompatible, and that a communist China presents the only logical and inevitable path to modernity. Secondly, Taiwan deserves respect on its own merits. True, if China were an aircraft carrier, Taiwan would be a lone canoe. But standing on this canoe are 23 million people aspiring for a life with liberty and dignity. If it were an EU member, Taiwan would be the 7th largest of the Union’s 28 member-states (27 after Brexit), smaller than Poland but larger than the Netherlands or Belgium, with a developed economy ranking 22nd in the world by purchasing power parity. Do we really want to return to a world in which it is imaginable that countries such as Poland or the Netherlands should be deprived of their autonomy to determine their own way of life and political system?

The Berlin Pulse 2019
龍應台專文：https://www.koerber-stiftung.de/fileadmin/user_upload/koerber-stiftung/redaktion/the-berlin-pulse/pdf/2019/3_Koerber_TheBerlinPulse_YingTai.pdf
全本：https://www.koerber-stiftung.de/fileadmin/user_upload/koerber-stiftung/redaktion/the-berlin-pulse/pdf/2019/TheBerlinPulse_2019_FINAL.pdf

誤譯的終結？不如等世界末日來臨
——《信仰的終結》翻譯初窺

趁時事正熱打個比方：終結不了的翻譯問題，跟宗教為人世帶來的種種災禍一樣，不可能完全根除。

彷彿語言的誤解和誤譯本身，已趕在被台灣宗教財團收攏的不肖政客通過「宗教基本法」之前，悄悄成立了宗教——The Universal Church of Miscomprehension and Mistranslation——以防人心發展出理性思考去加以干涉、甚至「迫害」。

酸話說完了。有機會，還是儘量把語言可經由理性解讀的真相呈現出來。

以下以【……】標出知名無神論者Sam Harris精彩可期的
著作The End of Faith的部分翻譯問題。

統計資料供參：

中譯是博客來上可讀到的4小頁內容，對應原文約1700字，大約每67原文字出現一個我認爲需要改正的理解與翻譯問題。原文書估計11萬6千字，在如此微小的樣本下，粗估整部中譯會有超過1700個這種語言問題。

除了以這種貌似較爲客觀、科學的計數法來判斷翻譯是否合格、過關以外，其實我認爲另一種較人性、直觀、「不科學」的方式：從「會犯哪種錯」、「該不該犯那種錯」這種「微小」地方，來得到對某譯者的整體觀感，至少是同等重要的，有時候這種「見微知著」法所揭露的事更多、更大、更不堪。

暫不一一討論問題的細節、甚至替出版社和譯者提供新的翻譯了，太費時。有興趣的人可以自行研究。問題當中肯定有的很明顯，有的較隱晦。如果你不認爲某一點有什麼問題值得大驚小怪，歡迎指出討論。也許這不失爲一種更積極的理解英語、斟酌中文、激盪思考的方法。我希望把時間花在刀口上。

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書名：The End of Faith: Religion, Terror, and the Future of Reason
信仰的終結：宗教、恐怖行動及理性的未來
作者： Sam Harris
譯者： 孔繁鐘
出版社：八旗文化
出版日期：2015/12/30

作者簡介　山姆．哈里斯（Sam Harris）

美國著名作家、哲學家、神經科學家。著有《紐約時報》暢銷書《信仰的終結》（The End of Faith，美國筆會2005年非小說類得獎著作）、《給基督教國度的一封信》（Letter to a Christian Nation），以及《道德風景》(The Moral Landscape)。他的作品以超過十五種語言出版。文章曾刊於《新聞周刊》、《紐約時報》、《洛杉磯時報》、《泰晤士報》（倫敦）、《波士頓環球報》、《大西洋月刊》、《神經學年鑑》、《外交政策》及其他許多刊物。為理智工程(Project Reason)的共同創始人與董事長，該非營利組織致力於傳播科學知識和社會中世俗價值。

史丹佛大學哲學學士。他研究東方及西方的宗教傳統以及各種靈性教派已二十年。2009年取得神經科學博士學位，研究主題為相信、不相信、及不確定的神經學基礎。請造訪他的網頁 www . smaharris . org.

譯者簡介　 孔繁鐘

衛生署玉里醫院精神科主治醫師，台大化工所畢業後考上台大醫學院學士後醫學系。為孔子第七十四代後裔，因花東地區醫療資源較缺乏，與弟弟孔繁錦長期投入當地的精神醫療，照顧病情嚴重的精神病患，並翻譯多本國內精神醫學與心理學教科書。身為精神科醫師，他相信精神醫學得本執在於人性的幫助關係，而非統計分類；因此不把自己視為一個開藥者，也定義自己為為一個充滿同理心的助人者。

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翻譯問題列表（依內容順序）：

The young man takes his seat beside a middle-aged couple. He will wait for the bus to reach its next stop. The couple at his side 【appears to be shopping for a new refrigerator】. The woman has decided on a model, but her husband worries that it will be too expensive. He indicates another one in a brochure that lies open on her lap.
年輕男子靠著一對中年夫婦坐下。他耐心等著公車到下一站。這對夫婦【似乎正要去買新冰箱】。妻子膝蓋上攤著一份冰箱型錄，她已經選定了要買的機型，但是丈夫嫌太貴，指著另一種機型絮絮說著。

The next stop comes into view. 【The bus doors swing】.
下一站已近在眼前。【公車搖晃著】。

The nails, ball bearings, and rat poison 【ensure further casualties on the street and in the surrounding cars.】
釘子、小鋼球和毒老鼠藥【發揮了最大的殺傷力，也造成街道上和四周車輛中其他人員大量】傷亡。

These are 【the facts】. This is all we know for certain about the young man.
這些都是【真人實事】。關於這位年輕男子我們確實知道的所有實情都在這裡了。

A BELIEF is a lever that, once pulled, moves almost everything else in a person’s life. Are you a scientist? A liberal? A racist? These are merely species of 【belief in action】.
信仰是一種控制桿，一旦拉動就能操縱人們生活中幾乎所有層面的每件事。你是個科學家嗎？自由主義者？種族主義者？這些不過是【依據信仰促發的行動】而做的分類罷了。

It seems that if our species ever eradicates itself through war, it will not be because 【it was written in the stars】 but because it was written in our books; 【it is what we do with words like “God” and “paradise” and “sin” in the present】 that will determine our future.
看來若人類終將經由戰爭而自我滅絕，也絕不是因為這些想法【被寫在星空中】，而是因為它被寫在某些書籍裡；【正是我們現在所看到使用「上帝」、「天堂」與「罪惡」這些字眼的那些書籍】，決定了人類的未來。

【People tend to organize themselves into factions according to which of these incompatible claims they accept】—rather than on the basis of language, skin color, location of birth, or any other criterion of tribalism.
這些書籍的主張互不相容，而【人們傾向於把接受相同主張的人歸於同一宗派】，而非依據語言、膚色、出生地、或任何其他區分部落意識的標準。

All are 【in perverse agreement】 on one point of fundamental importance, however: “respect” for other faiths, or for the views of unbelievers, is not an attitude that God endorses.
所有這些書籍都【極力堅持】一項重要基本論點：上帝絕不贊同「尊重其他信仰或不相信者的觀點」這種態度。

【While all faiths have been touched, here and there, by the spirit of ecumenicalism,】 the central tenet of every religious tradition is that all others are mere repositories of error or, at best, dangerously incomplete. Intolerance is thus intrinsic to 【every creed】. Once a person believes—really believes—that certain ideas can lead to eternal happiness, or to its antithesis, he cannot tolerate the possibility that the people he loves might be led astray by the blandishments of unbelievers. Certainty about the next life is 【simply incompatible with tolerance in this one.】
【各處各地所有的信仰都浸潤著「真神唯一」的精神】，每個宗教的傳統核心教義都是：所有其他宗教的組成都是錯誤，若非全錯，至少也是不完全且危險的。不包容正是【所有教條】的本質。某個人一旦真心相信了某種想法能導致永恆幸福或永遠不幸，他必將無法容忍他所愛的人可能會被不相信者的花言巧語所誤導。他對來世的確信，也讓他【無法對此再多包容】。

Observations of this sort pose 【an immediate problem for us, however, because】 criticizing a person’s faith is currently taboo in every corner of our culture.
但這類觀察立即帶給我們【一個問題：因為】在我們當前文化的每個角落，批評他人的信仰都屬禁忌。

But technology has 【a way of creating】 fresh moral 【imperatives】. Our technical advances in the art of war have finally rendered our religious differences—and 【hence our religious beliefs】—antithetical to our survival. We can no longer ignore the fact that billions of our neighbors believe in the metaphysics of martyrdom, or in the literal truth of 【the book of Revelation】,
可是科技【創造了】全新的道德【指令】。人類在戰爭藝術方面的技術如此精進，終於讓我們的宗教差異以及【伴隨的宗教信仰差異】危害到人類的生存。我們再也不能忽視這項事實：我們的鄰居中成億上萬的人都相信殉教的形而上學，或相信【他們聖書】表面字義所揭示的真理，

Consider the case of alchemy: it fascinated human beings for over a thousand years, and yet anyone who seriously claims to be a practicing alchemist today will have disqualified himself for most positions of responsibility in our society. Faith-based religion 【must】 suffer the same slide into obsolescence.
以煉金術為例：它曾蠱惑人類一千多年，但在當今社會，任何人若鄭重自稱是一位煉金術士，將被認為不夠資格擔任絕大多數重要職務。同樣地，以信念為基礎的宗教【必將】落入歷史廢墟之中。

What is the alternative to 【religion as we know it】? As it turns out, this is the wrong question to ask. Chemistry was not an “alternative” to alchemy; it was a wholesale exchange of 【ignorance at its most rococo】 for genuine knowledge.
那麼【就我們所知，宗教】的替代品是什麼？其實這是個錯誤的提問。化學並不是煉金術的「替代品」；它是【以極其精巧華麗的方式，把無知】整批置換成為真正的知識。

OF COURSE, people of faith 【fall】 on a continuum:
當然，秉持信仰的人們【可以分布】在一個連續帶上：

they imagine that the path to peace will be paved once each of us has learned to respect the 【unjustified】 beliefs of others.
他們想像，一旦每個人都學會尊重其他人【無法證實】的信仰，和平之路就能順利展開。

Many religious moderates have taken the 【apparent high road】 of pluralism, asserting the equal validity of all faiths,
許多宗教溫和派已經奉行了多元主義的【大道】，確信所有不同的信仰都同等有效，

As long as a Christian believes that only his baptized brethren will be saved on the Day of Judgment, he cannot possibly “respect” the beliefs of others, for he knows that the flames of hell have been stoked by 【these very ideas】 and await their adherents even now.
只要基督徒相信在最後審判日唯有自家受洗的弟兄們才能得到救贖，他就不可能「尊重」其他信仰，因為他知道地獄的火已被【他們那樣的想法】所激發，正等著焚燒其追隨者呢。

Muslims and Jews generally take the same arrogant view of their own enterprises and have spent millennia passionately reiterating the errors of other faiths. It should go without saying that 【these】 rival belief systems are all equally uncontaminated by evidence.
伊斯蘭教徒和猶太教徒通常也用同樣傲慢的態度只尊崇自己的信仰，並且幾千年來一直狂熱地重申其他信仰的錯誤。但無庸置疑地，這【兩種】相互對抗的信仰系統也都同樣缺乏證據。