【#拜登就職演說全文】★中英版本★
資料來源：美國白宮新聞稿
This is America’s day. This is democracy’s day.

A day of history and hope. Of renewal and resolve.

Through a crucible for the ages America has been tested anew and America has risen to the challenge.

Today, we celebrate the triumph not of a candidate, but of a cause, the cause of democracy.

The will of the people has been heard and the will of the people has been heeded.

We have learned again that democracy is precious.

Democracy is fragile.

And at this hour, my friends, democracy has prevailed.

So now, on this hallowed ground where just days ago violence sought to shake this Capitol’s very foundation, we come together as one nation, under God, indivisible, to carry out the peaceful transfer of power as we have for more than two centuries.

We look ahead in our uniquely American way – restless, bold, optimistic – and set our sights on the nation we know we can be and we must be.

I thank my predecessors of both parties for their presence here.

I thank them from the bottom of my heart.

You know the resilience of our Constitution and the strength of our nation.

As does President Carter, who I spoke to last night but who cannot be with us today, but whom we salute for his lifetime of service.

I have just taken the sacred oath each of these patriots took — an oath first sworn by George Washington.

But the American story depends not on any one of us, not on some of us, but on all of us.

On “We the People” who seek a more perfect Union.

This is a great nation and we are a good people.

Over the centuries through storm and strife, in peace and in war, we have come so far. But we still have far to go.

We will press forward with speed and urgency, for we have much to do in this winter of peril and possibility.

Much to repair.

Much to restore.

Much to heal.

Much to build.

And much to gain.

Few periods in our nation’s history have been more challenging or difficult than the one we’re in now.

A once-in-a-century virus silently stalks the country.

It’s taken as many lives in one year as America lost in all of World War II.

Millions of jobs have been lost.

Hundreds of thousands of businesses closed.

A cry for racial justice some 400 years in the making moves us. The dream of justice for all will be deferred no longer.

A cry for survival comes from the planet itself. A cry that can’t be any more desperate or any more clear.

And now, a rise in political extremism, white supremacy, domestic terrorism that we must confront and we will defeat.

To overcome these challenges – to restore the soul and to secure the future of America – requires more than words.

It requires that most elusive of things in a democracy:

Unity.

Unity.

In another January in Washington, on New Year’s Day 1863, Abraham Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation.

When he put pen to paper, the President said, “If my name ever goes down into history it will be for this act and my whole soul is in it.”

My whole soul is in it.

Today, on this January day, my whole soul is in this:

Bringing America together.

Uniting our people.

And uniting our nation.

I ask every American to join me in this cause.

Uniting to fight the common foes we face:

Anger, resentment, hatred.

Extremism, lawlessness, violence.

Disease, joblessness, hopelessness.

With unity we can do great things. Important things.

We can right wrongs.

We can put people to work in good jobs.

We can teach our children in safe schools.

We can overcome this deadly virus.

We can reward work, rebuild the middle class, and make health care
secure for all.

We can deliver racial justice.

We can make America, once again, the leading force for good in the world.

I know speaking of unity can sound to some like a foolish fantasy.

I know the forces that divide us are deep and they are real.

But I also know they are not new.

Our history has been a constant struggle between the American ideal that we are all created equal and the harsh, ugly reality that racism, nativism, fear, and demonization have long torn us apart.

The battle is perennial.

Victory is never assured.

Through the Civil War, the Great Depression, World War, 9/11, through struggle, sacrifice, and setbacks, our “better angels” have always prevailed.

In each of these moments, enough of us came together to carry all of us forward.

And, we can do so now.

History, faith, and reason show the way, the way of unity.

We can see each other not as adversaries but as neighbors.

We can treat each other with dignity and respect.

We can join forces, stop the shouting, and lower the temperature.

For without unity, there is no peace, only bitterness and fury.

No progress, only exhausting outrage.

No nation, only a state of chaos.

This is our historic moment of crisis and challenge, and unity is the path forward.

And, we must meet this moment as the United States of America.

If we do that, I guarantee you, we will not fail.

We have never, ever, ever failed in America when we have acted together.

And so today, at this time and in this place, let us start afresh.

All of us.

Let us listen to one another.

Hear one another.
See one another.

Show respect to one another.

Politics need not be a raging fire destroying everything in its path.

Every disagreement doesn’t have to be a cause for total war.

And, we must reject a culture in which facts themselves are manipulated and even manufactured.

My fellow Americans, we have to be different than this.

America has to be better than this.

And, I believe America is better than this.

Just look around.

Here we stand, in the shadow of a Capitol dome that was completed amid the Civil War, when the Union itself hung in the balance.

Yet we endured and we prevailed.

Here we stand looking out to the great Mall where Dr. King spoke of his dream.

Here we stand, where 108 years ago at another inaugural, thousands of protestors tried to block brave women from marching for the right to vote.

Today, we mark the swearing-in of the first woman in American history elected to national office – Vice President Kamala Harris.

Don’t tell me things can’t change.

Here we stand across the Potomac from Arlington National Cemetery, where heroes who gave the last full measure of devotion rest in eternal peace.

And here we stand, just days after a riotous mob thought they could use violence to silence the will of the people, to stop the work of our democracy, and to drive us from this sacred ground.

That did not happen.

It will never happen.

Not today.

Not tomorrow.

Not ever.

To all those who supported our campaign I am humbled by the faith you have placed in us.

To all those who did not support us, let me say this: Hear me out as we move forward. Take a measure of me and my heart.

And if you still disagree, so be it.

That’s democracy. That’s America. The right to dissent peaceably, within the guardrails of our Republic, is perhaps our nation’s greatest strength.

Yet hear me clearly: Disagreement must not lead to disunion.

And I pledge this to you: I will be a President for all Americans.

I will fight as hard for those who did not support me as for those who did.

Many centuries ago, Saint Augustine, a saint of my church, wrote that a people was a multitude defined by the common objects of their love.

What are the common objects we love that define us as Americans?

I think I know.

Opportunity.

Security.

Liberty.

Dignity.

Respect.

Honor.

And, yes, the truth.

Recent weeks and months have taught us a painful lesson.

There is truth and there are lies.

Lies told for power and for profit.

And each of us has a duty and responsibility, as citizens, as Americans, and especially as leaders – leaders who have pledged to honor our Constitution and protect our nation — to defend the truth and to defeat the lies.

I understand that many Americans view the future with some fear and trepidation.

I understand they worry about their jobs, about taking care of their families, about what comes next.

I get it.

But the answer is not to turn inward, to retreat into competing factions, distrusting those who don’t look like you do, or worship the way you do, or don’t get their news from the same sources you do.

We must end this uncivil war that pits red against blue, rural versus urban, conservative versus liberal.

We can do this if we open our souls instead of hardening our hearts.

If we show a little tolerance and humility.

If we’re willing to stand in the other person’s shoes just for a moment.
Because here is the thing about life: There is no accounting for what fate will deal you.

There are some days when we need a hand.

There are other days when we’re called on to lend one.

That is how we must be with one another.

And, if we are this way, our country will be stronger, more prosperous, more ready for the future.

My fellow Americans, in the work ahead of us, we will need each other.

We will need all our strength to persevere through this dark winter.

We are entering what may well be the toughest and deadliest period of the virus.

We must set aside the politics and finally face this pandemic as one nation.

I promise you this: as the Bible says weeping may endure for a night but joy cometh in the morning.

We will get through this, together

The world is watching today.

So here is my message to those beyond our borders: America has been tested and we have come out stronger for it.

We will repair our alliances and engage with the world once again.

Not to meet yesterday’s challenges, but today’s and tomorrow’s.

We will lead not merely by the example of our power but by the power of our example.

We will be a strong and trusted partner for peace, progress, and security.

We have been through so much in this nation.

And, in my first act as President, I would like to ask you to join me in a moment of silent prayer to remember all those we lost this past year to the pandemic.

To those 400,000 fellow Americans – mothers and fathers, husbands and wives, sons and daughters, friends, neighbors, and co-workers.

We will honor them by becoming the people and nation we know we can and should be.

Let us say a silent prayer for those who lost their lives, for those they left behind, and for our country.

Amen.

This is a time of testing.

We face an attack on democracy and on truth.

A raging virus.

Growing inequity.

The sting of systemic racism.

A climate in crisis.

America’s role in the world.

Any one of these would be enough to challenge us in profound ways.

But the fact is we face them all at once, presenting this nation with the gravest of responsibilities.

Now we must step up.

All of us.

It is a time for boldness, for there is so much to do.

And, this is certain.

We will be judged, you and I, for how we resolve the cascading crises of our era.

Will we rise to the occasion?

Will we master this rare and difficult hour?

Will we meet our obligations and pass along a new and better world for our children?

I believe we must and I believe we will.

And when we do, we will write the next chapter in the American story.

It’s a story that might sound something like a song that means a lot to me.

It’s called “American Anthem” and there is one verse stands out for me:

“The work and prayers
of centuries have brought us to this day
What shall be our legacy?
What will our children say?…
Let me know in my heart
When my days are through
America
America
I gave my best to you.”

Let us add our own work and prayers to the unfolding story of our nation.

If we do this then when our days are through our children and our children’s children will say of us they gave their best.

They did their duty.

They healed a broken land.
My fellow Americans, I close today where I began, with a sacred oath.

Before God and all of you I give you my word.

I will always level with you.

I will defend the Constitution.

I will defend our democracy.

I will defend America.

I will give my all in your service thinking not of power, but of possibilities.

Not of personal interest, but of the public good.

And together, we shall write an American story of hope, not fear.

Of unity, not division.

Of light, not darkness.

An American story of decency and dignity.

Of love and of healing.

Of greatness and of goodness.

May this be the story that guides us.

The story that inspires us.

The story that tells ages yet to come that we answered the call of history.

We met the moment.

That democracy and hope, truth and justice, did not die on our watch but thrived.

That our America secured liberty at home and stood once again as a beacon to the world.

That is what we owe our forebearers, one another, and generations to follow.

So, with purpose and resolve we turn to the tasks of our time.

Sustained by faith.

Driven by conviction.

And, devoted to one another and to this country we love with all our hearts.

May God bless America and may God protect our troops.

Thank you, America.
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★ 中文翻譯：資料來源中央社CNA

這是美國的一天，這是民主的一天，是歷史和希望的一天，是更新與決心的一天。美國幾個世代經過熔爐的考驗之後，如今再次遭到試煉，而且已再次奮起應付挑戰。今天，我們慶祝的不是一位候選人的勝利，而是一個奮鬥目標的勝利，是為民主的奮鬥。人民的意志被聽見了，人民的意志得到了關注。

我們再次學到，民主是珍貴的，民主是脆弱的，而在此刻，朋友們，民主已然勝利。短短幾天之前，還有暴力試圖撼動國會的根基，但今天我們齊聚這個莊嚴的所在，以一個在上帝之下不可分裂的國家，展開權力的和平轉移，一如我國200多年的傳統。

我們要用美國特有的方式，也就是不停歇、勇敢、樂觀的方式展望未來。放眼我們可以成為、也必須成為的國家。我謝謝今天蒞臨的兩黨前任總統，我衷心感謝，你們知道我國憲法的韌性，以及我們國家的力量。卡特總統（Jimmy Carter）也是，我昨晚與他通了電話，但他不克前來。我們為他畢生的奉獻向他致敬。

我剛才跟這幾位愛國者一樣鄭重宣誓，一篇最初由華盛頓宣讀的誓詞。然而，美國故事靠的不是我們任何一個人，或一部分人，而是我們全體。它靠的是「我們人民」，在尋求一個更好的合眾國的人民。這是個偉大的國家，我們是一群良善的人。

經歷過去幾個世紀的風雨和衝突、和平與戰爭，我們走過很長一段路，但前方還有很長一段路要走。我們將快速緊急前行，因為在這個危險與機會的冬天，我們有很多事要做。有很多需要修補、需要恢復、需要癒合。有許多需要建設，也可以有很多收穫。

在我國歷史上，很少人或很少時刻面臨著比我們目前更大的挑戰或困難。百年一見、無聲無息蔓延整個國家的病毒，在一年之內奪走的人命，跟美國在第二次世界大戰犧牲的總人數一樣多。數百萬工作機會流失，成千上萬企業關門。

400年來的種族正義的呼聲感動著我們，全民同享公義的夢想將不再拖後。地球生存的呼聲再急迫不過，也再清楚不過。如今政治極端主義、白人至上主義和本土恐怖主義的興起，讓我們有必要起來面對並將它們擊倒。

克服這些挑戰、恢復美國靈魂和鞏固未來需要的不只是話語，而是民主當中最難以捉摸的部分，那就是團結一心，團結一心。

另一個一月天，在1863年開年之時，林肯總統簽署解放奴隸宣言。讓我引述他在下筆時所說的話：「如果我留名青史，將會是因為這份宣言，以及我投注其中的全心全意。」

今天，同樣在一月裡，我全心全意投注於此：團結全體國人，團結整個國家。我請求所有美國人加入，和我一起努力，團結對抗我們共同的敵人：怨氣、不滿、仇恨、極端主義、目無法紀的行為、暴力、疾病、失業和無助。

團結一心，我們能夠成就偉大事業、重要的事情。我們可以糾正錯誤，可以讓民眾找到好的工作，可以在安全的校園教導孩子，可以克服這個致命的病毒。我們可以讓工作獲得報酬，重建中產階級，可以提供全民健保，可以兌現種族正義，讓美國再次成為世界主要的良善力量。

我明白，這個時候談論團結聽起來像愚昧的天方夜譚，我知道分裂我們的力量又深又真切，但我也知道這些力量不是現在才出現。美國向來在人人平等這個理想，和國家長期被種族主義、本土主義、恐懼和妖魔化分化的醜陋現實之間掙扎。這個征戰從未止息，勝利並無保證。

從南北戰爭、大蕭條、世界大戰到911恐攻，儘管歷經奮鬥、犧牲和挫折，良善的天使向來都會勝利。每當遇到這種時刻，我們都會有足夠的人團結一心，讓全國一起向前，我們現在也可以這麼做。

歷史、信仰和理性指向一條明路，一條團結之路。我們可以不把彼此當成敵人，而是鄰居。我們可以尊嚴和尊重彼此相待，可以同心協力，停止叫囂，讓溫度冷卻。因為沒有團結就沒有和平，只會留下苦毒與憤怒；不會有進步，只會有讓人厭倦的離譜言行；不會有國家，只會有混亂狀態。

這是我們危機和挑戰的歷史性一刻，而團結是前進的道路，我們必須以合眾國的姿態來面對這一刻，若能做到，我向諸位保證我們不會失敗。當我們團結起來，我們從來就不曾失敗，因此在這一天，在此時此刻，就在這裡，讓我們重新來過，全體一起來。讓我們開始再次彼此聆聽，讓對方說，相互探望，對彼表達尊重。

政治不必像這一團熊熊之火，燒毀一切，歧見不必成為全面戰爭的理由。我們必須摒棄操弄甚至捏造事實的文化，同胞們，我們不能這樣，美國必須不只是這個樣子，而且我相信美國不至淪落至此。

看看四周，我們站在國會大廈圓頂之下，這是南北戰爭時期完成的，當時美國的前途還在未定之天，但我們挺過來了，我們勝利了。我們現在站在此，看著偉大的國家廣場，金恩博士（Martin Luther King Jr.）曾對廣場上的群眾訴說他的夢想。也是在這裡，108年前的另一場就職典禮，數以千計的抗議人士試圖阻撓一群勇敢的婦女遊行爭取投票權。

今天我們見證副總統賀錦麗創造美國歷史，成為第一位擔任國家領導人的女性，別告訴我事情無法改變。

我們站在這裡，隔著波多馬克河（Potomac River）遠眺阿靈頓國家公墓（Arlington National Cemetery），也就是為國捐軀的英雄長眠之地。我們站在這裡，不過幾天前，暴動的群眾以為他們可用暴力箝制民眾的意志，阻撓民主運作，把我們驅逐出這塊聖地。但事情未如他們所願，今天不會，明天也不會，永遠都不會。

每位支持我們參選的民眾，我因你們給予我們的信心感到謙卑。對於沒有支持我們的人，讓我對你們說：未來請聽我說的話，評量我和我的心。如果你們還是不同意，也罷。這就是民主。這就是美國。以平和的方式在我們國家的規範之內表達異議的權利，可能是我國最大的優勢。

但請聽清楚：不同意見絕對不能變成不團結。而且我向各位保證，我要當全體國人的總統。不論你支持我或不支持我，我都將同樣為你們而努力。

好幾個世紀之前，我所屬教會的聖者聖奧古斯丁（Saint Augustine）曾經寫道，人民是個群體，由他們共同喜愛的東西所定義。身為美國人，我們共同喜愛而且能定義我們的東西是什麼？我想我們都知道：機會、安定、自由、尊嚴、尊重、榮譽，是的，還有真相。

最近的幾個星期、幾個月給了我們痛苦的教訓：有真相，也有謊言，為了權力和利益而說的謊言。我們每個人做為公民，做為美國人，特別是身為領導者的人，曾經承諾要遵守憲法、保護我們的國家的領導者，有職責、有責任要捍衛真相、打敗謊言。

我瞭解有許多同胞以害怕、惶恐的心情看待未來。我瞭解他們擔心工作問題。我瞭解他們像我父親那樣，夜裡躺在床上盯著天花板，想著得要有醫療保險、有貸款要付、想著他們的家庭，想著接下來會如何。我跟各位保證，我瞭解。但答案不是退縮，不是進入到彼此競爭的派系，不信任看起來跟你不一樣的人，跟你有不同信仰的人，或者新聞來源不同於你的人。

我們必須結束這場「無禮的戰爭」，它讓紅藍對立、鄉村與都市的民眾對立、保守派與自由派對立。我們可以做到，如果我們敞開心胸，而不是讓我們的心變硬，如果我們展現一些包容和謙虛，如果我們願意為別人設想，就像我母親說的：只要一下子就好，為別人設想。

因為人生就是這樣，你無法預知命運。有些時候，你會需要別人伸出援手，還有些時候，人家會請你伸出援手。就是要這樣，這就是我們為彼此做的事。如果我們這麼做，我們的國家就會更強大、更繁榮，更能為未來做好準備，而且我們還是可以有不同意見。

同胞們，我們在推動未來的工作時，會需要彼此。我們要集舉國之力，才能度過這個黑暗的冬天。我們可能在進入疫情最嚴重、最致命的階段。我們必須把政治擺在一邊，要終於能夠舉國對抗這個大流行，用舉國之力。我向各位保證，就如聖經所說：「一宿雖有哭泣，早晨便必歡呼。」我們將可一起度過，一起！

各位，我跟我在參眾兩院的同事們都瞭解，世人正在觀看，他們今天在看著我們，因此這是我要對國外傳達的訊息：美國受到試煉，而我們因此更為茁壯。我們將修補我們與盟國的關係，再次與世界往來，不是為了面對昨天的挑戰，而是今天和明天的挑戰。我們將不是藉著我們力量的典範來領導，而是憑藉我們典範的力量。我們將會是和平、進步與安定堅強而且可信賴的夥伴。

各位都知道，我們國家經歷了許多事情。我做為總統要做的第一件事，是要請你們跟我一起，為過去一年因疫情喪生的人們默禱，紀念那40萬個同胞，母親、父親、丈夫、妻子、兒子、女兒、朋友、鄰居和同事們。我們要成為我們自知可以成為、而且應該成為的人民和國家，以此榮耀他們。因此我請大家，一起為離世和失去親友的人們，還有我們的國家默禱，……阿們。

各位，這是試煉的時刻。我們面對對民主與真相的攻擊、正在肆虐的病毒、嚴重的不公、系統性的種族歧視、陷入危機的氣候，還有美國在全球的角色問題。其中任何一點都足以對我們構成嚴重的挑戰。但事實是，我們在同時面對這一切，這讓美國挑起我們最重大的責任之一。我們將受到試煉，我們能迎接挑戰嗎？這是大膽的時候，因為有好多事情要做。

而我向各位保證，這點是肯定的：你我將被評判，標準是我們如何解決這個時代一一發生的危機。我們將迎接挑戰。我們能否戰勝這個罕見而艱難的時刻？我們能否履行我們的義務，把一個新的、更好的世界傳給我們的下一代？我相信我們必須那麼做，而且我相信你們也這麼認為。我相信我們會，而且當我們做到，我們將寫下美國歷史偉大的新章節。美國的故事。

這個故事可能像一首對我來說深具意義的歌曲，它叫「美國頌」（American Anthem），它有一段歌詞至少對我來說很特別，它是這樣說的：「數百年的努力與祈禱讓我們來到今天，我們有什麼能傳承下去？我們的子孫會怎麼說？當我的日子結束，讓我內心知曉，美國，美國，我已為你付出最大努力。」

讓我們把我們自己的努力和祈禱，加到我們偉大的國家仍在發展的故事之中。如果我們做到，那麼當我們的日子結束，我們的子孫和他們的子孫會說：「他們付出了最大的努力，他們盡了他們的責任，他們修補了破碎的國家。」

同胞們，我的結語要跟開頭一樣，有個神聖的誓言。在上帝和各位面前，我向你們保證。我將始終開誠布公，我將捍衛憲法，我將捍衛我們的民主。我將捍衛美國，全心全力奉獻為你們服務，心中想的不是權力，而是可能性，不是私利，而是公眾的利益。我們將一起寫下美國希望的故事，而非恐懼的故事，是團結而非分歧，是光明而非黑暗。是禮貌與尊嚴、愛與療癒、偉大與善良的故事。

希望這是引導我們的故事、啟發我們的故事，是能告訴未來的世世代代我們回應歷史的召喚並且回應了時代挑戰的故事。民主與希望、真相與公義沒有在我們的時代衰亡，而是生生不息，美國固守了國內的自由，並且再次成為世界的明燈。這是我們對先人、對彼此和對未來世世代代的責任。

因此，我們要有目標、有決心，把注意力轉向這個時代的任務，靠信心來維持，靠信念來驅使，為彼此和我們全心熱愛的國家而奉獻。願上帝保佑美國，保守我們的三軍。謝謝美國！

" How much do you love what you have passion for? "

這句話，時不時的就會出現在我腦袋裡，好似拿著充氣鐵鎚，三不五時地敲敲我

——

前陣子Kobe突然的死訊，讓網路上出現了很多關於這偉大球星的剪輯影片

他在某個片段中說

『夢想，並不在達成的那一刻實現，而是在實現的過程中體現。』

媽呀，說真的真好啊！

——

約一週前，我跟國中同學們約好了在我跟國小同學一起開的餐廳，打開我們在23歲那年埋下的時光膠囊

那時的我，滿腦子盡是些熱血念頭，想著說我想讓大家在30遂能夠留下個美好回憶

所以把大家約了出來（說真的沒工作時的同學真的很好約lol

半要求半逼迫大家一起跟我完成我的夢想

well 那時的我可是滿口夢想的啊（笑

我要大家拿出紙筆，寫下對30歲的你的十個期望或願望

十個願望裡，我有兩個沒有達成

一個是去看一場NBA ( well,,,i still want to

另外一個則是在越南生活一個月 (this one as well

其他的八個沒想到我都完成了！

其中包括⋯⋯

去Jamie Oliver開的餐廳上班

聽Eminem的演唱會

看Dave Chapelle的脫口秀

這三個讓我覺得最不可思議

在離開台灣前，我就是個會花幾千塊買JO原文烹飪書的普通人而已

跟其他熱愛烹飪的人都沒有兩樣，買書看書朝聖的感覺

但沒想到最後會到他的餐廳上班，而且還去過了三間

這種感覺，比我第一次真正去到馬德里還不思議

雖然到現在廚藝自己都還覺得只是差強人意，不過歲數到了倒是放過自己很多

現在依然欣賞食物，想辦法讓自己享受烹飪的每一刻（即便很難lol

而雖然真正到了JO餐廳算是夢想實現，不過一路上為了這夢想所做的功課與努力

才是我最珍貴的寶物啊，那些不眠不睡的夜晚硬是讀著食譜

查著各國語言的菜餚名稱，各種食材專有名詞，看著網路上廚師下廚的影片

是這些過程支持著我走向我的夢想，讓這個願望有實現的可能性啊

而當你真正能實現夢想時，其實感覺並不如你所想那麼欣喜若狂

因為你知道你不是靠運氣走到這一步的

就有種 every steps count 的感覺

那種一步一腳印慢慢走向夢想的感覺，時不時在深夜掉滿我兩個麻布袋之多

——

而Eminem的演唱會更是有過之而不及

從高一第一次在MTV上看到他的 The Way I Am的MV後，我便以最快的速度在唱片行找到他的CD買了下去

回家打開中英歌詞本開始練唱

這麼一練就是一年過去，才把那首歌練到朗朗上口

而這麼做的副作用便是，我的英文口說流暢許多，發音也是進步神速

不過老實說當初並沒有抱持著要練習英文的心態啊～

單純只是個迷弟，覺得阿姆的歌很屌，便栽了進去

而很多年後的澳洲打工度假旅行的第一年中途得知，他要到墨爾本巡迴

二話不說花了380澳幣買下了豪華搖滾區的位子

驅車從西澳的伯斯一路開往墨爾本

一路遊玩，一路安排之後第二年簽證的工作細節

我內心滿是期待啊當時，能見到自己多年的偶像唱歌

那是多麼令人興奮啊！

於是我見到了歌詞本上的寫詞者本人

在找不到一起喜歡阿姆朋友的情況下

隻身在演唱會現場，不過那感覺不孤單啊

當 The Way I Am這首歌的前奏一下

所有人跟著唱，我也跟著唱的時候，我認真覺得夢想的路途上雖然孤單（很少遇到跟我一樣這麼愛阿姆的

但終點可是一點都不令人感到孤單呢，因為有一票人跟你一樣喜歡阿姆的音樂出現在演唱會現場

（ 哈哈哈難得的迷弟時光啊

——

而同時間發生的Dave Chapelle的脫口秀

也是發生在墨爾本

所以雖然從伯斯到墨爾本是趟15天，13000多公里（吧？）的行程，每天至少得開800-1000的節奏下，我依然每天都過的相當興奮，好像每往前開一些，就離這兩個偶像近一些

那種感覺，其實也是在講實現的過程

是我粉絲久一點的人大概都會知道我曾是英文老師

但後來不誤正業跑去當廚師

英文如同下廚，同樣是我的熱情所在

大四時意識到自己英文很爛，看不懂沒有字幕的電影（現在依然只看得懂七八成吧lol

而那時莫名被朋友介紹去看stand up，也就踏上了Dave Chapelle神一般的幽默領域

其實當初在寫下這願望時，我真的只是寫來當夢想的

但沒想到能在墨爾本實現，那時我可是興奮不已啊

能現場聽到偶像講笑話，肯定很棒

雖然真正到了現場我大概只聽得懂七成吧...

well 英文還是好難啊，即便到現在我都覺得

好比烹飪煮飯，但就是這種越學越難的感覺

越讓你想要鑽牛角尖下去，去研究更多，學習更多

——

說了那麼多，我想肯定有人在想

『啊是跟這張照片有啥關係膩？』

沒錯，別急，現在要說了

其實一直以來我對蛋的熱情也是相當豐富

時不時就常在個人與IG上PO一堆關於蛋的照片

歐姆蛋半熟蛋生蛋溫泉蛋糖心蛋...各種蛋我都能說上幾句

再春食堂 的菜單裡有道菜是因我個人喜好而放上去的

『再春性感肉蛋飯』

很簡單的，我們把切得很薄的豬肉片用醬汁醃製過後

在熱的油鍋裡煎的焦香後，用調配過的烤肉醬調味

把加熱時溢出的肉汁與醬汁一起跟肉擺到飯上

再放上顆性感的溫泉蛋，撒上點米香增加口感，小黃瓜絲提供脆口與水分

完成了，一碗簡單又性感的飯

開業一個多月來，時不時能聽到客人在唸出菜單時笑了出來，或是露出懷疑的表情

well, that's exactly what i want them to lol

把蛋很性感這件事傳達出去，多麼令人感到開心啊～

——

而今天照片裡這個，是之後店裡會推出的下午茶選項

馬鈴薯蛋沙拉

再配上顆性感無比的溏心蛋

綿密柔滑的馬鈴薯蛋沙拉

配上滋潤綿軟的半熟溏心蛋

真是哎呀我的媽，一種唐伯虎看到秋香的感覺啊

說了這些話，即便旁人給我怎樣異樣的表情

我都覺得心甘情願啊，因為是蛋，所以很可以

蛋實在是太性感了啊

如同當初那些不看好我會成為廚師，甚至開上餐廳的人

那些覺得用英文歌學英文是邪門歪道，考多益托福才是正軌的人

well

This is the amount of passion I have for the things I love

I tried and I'm still trying

I did some and failed some

But it doesn't matter that much, right?

——

『你能不管他人眼光的說出你所愛與所想嗎？』

#試試吧很爽快的

#廚師漢克
#夢想
#過程

黃浩銘：

//法官閣下，我能夠參與雨傘運動，爭取民主，實是毫無悔意，畢生榮幸。我已花了最青春的10年在社會運動上，假若我有80歲，我仍有50年可以與港人同行，繼續奮鬥。要是法官不信，且即管以刑罰來考驗我的意志，試煉我的決心，希望我的戰友們在我囚禁的時候，可以激發愛心，勉勵行善，更加有勇氣和力量作個真誠的人對抗謊言治國的中共政權。

　　「希望在於人民，改變始於抗爭」，唯有透過群眾力量，直接行動，才能改變社會。8年前如是，今日亦如是。但願港人堅定不移，爭取民主，打倒特權，彰顯公義。自由萬歲！民主社會主義萬歲！願公義和慈愛的　主耶穌基督與我同在，與法官先生同在，與香港人同在！//

希望在於人民　改變始於抗爭
—雨傘運動公眾妨擾案陳情書

陳法官仲衡閣下：

　　自2011年你審理只有23歲的我，追問時任特首曾蔭權知否米貴涉擾亂公眾秩序的案件距今已有8年。在命運的安排下，我再次站在你面前，只是當你讀到這封陳情書的時候，我已經不是當年被你宣判無罪釋放的年青人，而是一個準備迎接第三次入獄的積犯。然而，今天我不是尋求你的憐憫，而是希望道明我參與雨傘運動，公民抗命的緣由，讓法官閣下可以從我的動機及行為來給予合理判刑。

　　8年以來，我們的崗位稍有轉變，但香港的變化更大，充滿爭議的各個大白象基建均已落成，更多旅客走訪社區，似是一片繁華景象，但同時，更多窮人住在劏房，更多群眾走上街頭，亦有更多我們愛惜的年青人進入監牢。從前我們認為香港不會發生的事，都一一在這8年間發生了。當我8年前站在你面前那一刻，我們都不會想像得到香港人可被挾持返大陸，亦想像不到原來有一天大陸的執法人員可在香港某地方正當執法，更想像不到中共政府除了透過人大釋法外，還可藉著「一言九鼎」的人大決定，甚至中央公函來決定香港人的前途命運和收緊憲制權利。

爭取民主的本意

　　民主只是口號嗎？當年，我痛罵無視100萬窮人及30萬貧窮長者利益，卻慶祝不知辛亥革命本意的前行政長官曾蔭權，並要求設立全民退休保障，廢除強積金，因此首次被捕被控。但時至今日，香港仍然有過百萬貧窮人口，超過30萬貧窮長者，貧富懸殊及房屋短缺的問題愈加嚴重。2014年，我見過一位75歲的伯伯跪在立法會公聽會向時任勞工及福利局局長張建宗下跪，懇求政府不要拆遷古洞石仔嶺安老院。2019年，我又見到一位67歲執紙皮維生的婆婆在立法會公聽會哭訴難以找工作，現任勞工及福利局局長羅致光竟然叫她找勞工處。為何官員如此冷酷無情？為何我們的意見均未能影響政府施政？歸根結柢，就是因為香港人沒有真正的選擇，喪失本來應有制訂政策及監督的權力！

　　所謂民主，就是人民當家作主。任何施政，應當由人民倡議監督，公義分配，改善公共服務，使得貧者脫貧，富者節約。今日香港，顧全大陸，官商勾結，貧富懸殊，耗資千億的大白象跨境基建接踵而來，但當遇見護士猝死，教師自殺，老人下跪，政府政策就只有小修小補，小恩小惠，試問如何服眾？由1966年蘇守忠、盧麒公民抗命反對天星小輪加價，乃至1967年暴動及1989年中國愛國民主運動，甚至2003年反廿三條大遊行，無不是因政權專政，政策傾斜，分配不公，引致大規模民眾反抗。2014年雨傘運動的起點，亦是如此。

　　多年來，港人爭取民主，為求有公義分配，有尊嚴生活，有自主空間，但我們得到的是甚麼？1984年，中英兩國簽署《聯合聲明》前夕，前中共總書記趙紫陽曾回覆香港大學學生會要求「民主治港，普選特首」的訴求，清楚承諾「你們所說的『民主治港』是理所當然的」。當時，不少港人信以為真，誤以為回歸之後可得民主，但自1989年六四血腥鎮壓及2003年50萬人反對《廿三條》立法大遊行後，中共圖窮匕現，在2004年透過人大釋法收緊政制改革程序，並粗暴地決定2007及2008不會普選行政長官及立法會。自此，完全不民主的中國立法機關－全國人民代表大會常務委員會掌控香港人的命運福祉，人大釋法及人大決定可以隨時隨地配合極權政府的主張，命令香港法庭跟從，打壓香港的民主和法治。

　　2014年8月31日，是歷史的轉捩點。儘管多少溫和學者苦苦規勸，中共仍以6月的＜一國兩制白皮書＞為基礎，展示全面管治權的氣派，包括法官閣下在內，都要屈從愛國之說。在《8‧31人大決定》之後，中共完全暴露其假民主假普選的面目，其時，我們認為對抗方法就只有公民抗命。

公民抗命的起點

　　違法就是罪惡嗎？我們違法，稱之為「公民抗命」，就是公民憑良心為公眾利益，以非暴力形式不服從法律命令，以求改變不義制度或法律。終審法院非常任法官賀輔明（Leonard Hoffmann）勳爵曾在英國著名案例 R v Jones (Margaret) [2007] 1 AC 136 案提出：「發自良知的公民抗命，有着悠久及光榮的傳統。那些因着信念認為法律及政府行為是不義而違法的人，歷史很多時候都證明他們是正確的……能包容這種抗爭或示威，是文明社會的印記。」

　　終審法院在最近的公民廣場案（Secretary for Justice v Wong Chi Fung (2018) 21 HKCFAR 35）亦道明「公民抗命」的概念可獲肯定（該案判詞第70至72段）。因此，亦印證我等9人及其他公民抗命者並非可以一般「違法犯事」來解釋及施刑。港人以一般遊行示威爭取民主30年，無論從殖民年代乃至特區年代，皆無顯著改進，今日以更進步主張，公民抗命爭取民主，正如印度、南非、波蘭等對抗強權，實在無可厚非。誠然，堵塞主要幹道，影響民眾上班下課，實非我所願，但回想過來，中共及特區政府多年來豈不更堵塞香港民主之路，妨擾公眾獲得真正的發聲機會？

　　如果我是公民抗命，又何以不認罪承擔刑責？2014年12月，警方以成文法「出席未經批准集結」及「煽動參與未經批准集結」在村口將我逮捕。2017年3月，警方改以普通法「煽惑他人作出公眾妨擾」及「煽惑他人煽惑公眾妨擾」提控。正如戴耀廷先生在其結案陳詞引述英國劍橋大學法學教授 John R. Spencer 提及以普通法提訴的問題：「近年差不多所有以『公眾妨擾罪』來起訴的案件，都出現以下兩種情況的其中一個：一、當被告人的行為是觸犯了成文法律，通常懲罰是輕微的，檢控官想要以一支更大或額外的棒子去打他；二、當被告人的行為看來是明顯完全不涉及刑事責任的，檢控官找不到其他罪名可控訴他」，無獨有偶，前終審法院常任法官鄧楨在其2018年退休致詞提及：「普通法同樣可被用作欺壓的工具。它是一種變化多端的權力，除非妥善地運用人權法加以適當控制，否則可被不當使用。」如今看來，所言非虛。

　　今我遭控二罪，必定據理力爭，冀借助法官閣下明智判決推翻檢控不義，但法庭定讞，我自當承擔刑責，絕無怨言，以成全公民抗命之道。

試問誰還未覺醒

　　我是刻意求刑標榜自己，讓年青人跟從走進監獄大門嗎？我反覆推敲這個問題。然而，我的答案是，正正是希望後輩不用像我此般走進牢獄，我更要無懼怕地爭取人們所當得的。縱使今日面對強權，惡法將至，烏雲密佈，我依然一如既往，毋忘初衷地認為真普選才是港人獲得真正自由之路。任何一個聲稱為下一代福祉者，理應為後輩爭取自由平等的選擇權利，讓他們能自立成長，辨明是非，而非家長式管控思想，讓下一代淪為生財工具，朝廷鷹犬。

　　主耶穌基督說：「我確確實實地告訴你們：一粒麥子如果不落在地裡死去，它仍然是一粒；如果死了，就結出很多子粒來。（《約翰福音》第12章24節）」沒有犧牲，沒有收穫。故然，我不希望年青人跟我一樣要踏上公民抗命之路，承受牢獄之苦，但我請教所有智慧之士，既然舉牌示威遊行均已無顯其效，公民抗命和平抗爭為何不是能令政權受壓求變之策？若非偌大群眾運動，梁振英豈不仍安坐其位？

　　刑罰於我而言，無情可求，唯一我心中所想，就是希望法庭能顧念75歲的朱耀明牧師年事已高，望以非監禁方式處之，讓港人瞥見法庭對良心公民抗命者寬容一面。美國法哲學家羅納德‧德沃金（Ronald Dworkin）在1968年論及公民抗命時（On Not Prosecuting Civil Disobedience），不但認為法庭應給予公民抗命者寬鬆刑罰，甚至應不予起訴。事實上，終審法院非常任法官賀輔明在2014年12月4日，即雨傘運動尾聲（已發生大規模堵路多日），佔中三子自首之後一日，接受《蘋果日報》及《南華早報》訪問時提到「抗爭者及掌權者均未有逾越公民抗命的『遊戲規則』，抗爭活動並沒有損害香港法治」，更進一步提到「一旦他們被判有罪，應該從輕發落，認為這是傳統，因為自首的公民不是邪惡的人」，由此，我期盼法庭將有人道的判刑。

　　法官閣下，我能夠參與雨傘運動，爭取民主，實是毫無悔意，畢生榮幸。我已花了最青春的10年在社會運動上，假若我有80歲，我仍有50年可以與港人同行，繼續奮鬥。要是法官不信，且即管以刑罰來考驗我的意志，試煉我的決心，希望我的戰友們在我囚禁的時候，可以激發愛心，勉勵行善，更加有勇氣和力量作個真誠的人對抗謊言治國的中共政權。

　　「希望在於人民，改變始於抗爭」，唯有透過群眾力量，直接行動，才能改變社會。8年前如是，今日亦如是。但願港人堅定不移，爭取民主，打倒特權，彰顯公義。自由萬歲！民主社會主義萬歲！

　　願公義和慈愛的　主耶穌基督與我同在，與法官先生同在，與香港人同在！

社會民主連線副主席、雨傘運動案第八被告
黃浩銘
二零一九年四月九日

Hope lies in the people
Changes come from resistance
- Umbrella Movement Public Nuisance Case Statement

Your Honour Judge Johnny Chan,

It has been 8 years since I have met you in court. You were the judge to my case on disorder in public places. It was in 2011 and I was only 23 years old. I chased after the then Chief Executive Mr. Donald Tsang and asked if he knew the price of rice and whether he understood the struggles of the poor. Fate has brought us here again, I am before you once again, but I am no longer the young man who was acquitted. When you are reading this statement, I am a “recidivist”, ready to be sent to prison for the third time. However, I do not seek your mercy today, but wish to explain the reasons for my participation in the Umbrella Movement and civil disobedience, so that your honour can give a reasonable sentence through understanding my motives and actions.

Our positions have slightly altered in the past 8 years, but not as great as the changes that took place in Hong Kong. The controversial big white elephant infrastructures were completed. More tourists are visiting, making Hong Kong a bustling city. At the same time, however, more poor people are living in sub-divided flats, more people are forced to the street to protest, more young people are sent to jail. Things we wouldn’t have imagined 8 years are now happening in Hong Kong. When I was before you 8 years ago, we would not have imagined Hong Kong people could be kidnapped by the Chinese authority to Mainland China. We wouldn’t have imagined that one day, the Mainland law enforcement officers could perform their duties in Hong Kong. We wouldn’t have imagined, not only could the Community Chinese government interpret our law, but they could decide on our future and tightened the rule on constitutional rights through the National People’s Congress Decision.

The Original Intention

Is democracy just a slogan? 8 years ago, I criticised the then Chief Executive Mr. Donald Tsang for ignoring the interests of 1 million poor people and 300,000 elderly. I scolded him for celebrating the 1911 Revolution without understanding its preliminary belief. I called for the establishment of universal retirement protection and the abolition of MPF, and was arrested for the first time. Yet, there are still over a million poor people in Hong Kong today, with more than 300,000 of poor elderly. The disparity between the rich and the poor and housing problem have only become worsen.

In 2014, I witnessed a 75-year-old man kneeling before the Secretary for Labour and Welfare Mr. Matthew Cheung Kin-Chung at a public hearing in the Legislative Council. The old man begged the government not to demolish the elderly home in Kwu Tung Dills Corner. In 2019, a 67-year-old woman, who scavenges for cardboards to make a living, cried during the Legislative Council public hearing. She cried because it was impossible for her to get a job. The Secretary for Labour and Welfare Mr. Law Chi-Kwong simply told her to ask for help in the Labour Department. Why are the government officials so callous? Why have our opinions failed to affect the government’s administration? The root of the problem is that Hong Kong people do not have real choices, we have been deprived of the power to supervise the government and to formulate policies.

What is democracy? Democracy means people are the masters. Any policies should be supervised by the people, the society’s resources should be justly distributed to improve the public services, so that the poor is no longer in poverty. However, in today’s Hong Kong, the focus is on the Mainland China, there is collusion between the government and the businesses, there is a great disparity between the rich and the poor, and multi-billion-dollar big white elephant cross-border infrastructure are built one after another. Nurses die from overexertion at work, teachers commit suicide and old man kneels to beg for what he deserves. Yet, the government policies were only minor repairs here and there, giving small treats and favours to the people. How can you win the support of the people? From the civil disobedience movement in 1966 by So Sau-chung and Lo Kei against the increase of Star Ferry fare, until the 1967 riots and 1989 China Patriotic Democratic Movement, even the 2003 march against the purported legistlation of Article 23, they were all due to the political dictatorship, imbalance policies as well as unfair distribution of public resources. It is for these reasons that led to large scale protests. It is for the same reason that the 2014 Umbrella Movement started.

For so many years, Hong Kong people have been fighting for democracy. We demand a just allocation, a life with dignity and space of freedom. However, what do we get in return? On the eve of the signing of the Joint Declaration in 1984, the then premier of the Communist Chinese government Zhao Ziyang in his reply to the demand for democracy and universal suffrage by the University of Hong Kong Student Council clearly promised that ‘what you referred to, namely “rule Hong Kong by democracy” is a matter that goes without saying.’ At the time, a lot of Hong Kong people believed it. They thought they would have democracy after the handover. However, since the bloody suppression on 4th June 1989 and the 500,000 people demonstration against Article 23 in 2003, the plot of the Chinese communist revealed itself. They decided by force through the NPC interpretation in 2004 that there would be no universal suffrage of the Chief Executive and the Legislative Council in 2007 and 2008. Since then, the undemocratic authority of NPC kept a tight grip on the destiny of Hong Kong people. NPC’s interpretation and decisions can be deployed anytime when convenient to assist the propaganda of the authoritative government, forcing the hands of the Hong Kong court and suppressing Hong Kong democracy and the rule of law.

31st August 2014 was a turning point in history. No matter how the moderate scholars tried to persuade it from happening, the Community Chinese government has used the One Country Two System White Paper in June as the foundation and forced its way down onto the people. Even your honour was among them, succumbed to the so called patriotism. After the 8.31 Decision of the National People’s Congress, the plot of the Communist Chinese government has revealed itself, the Chinese government has been lying to the Hong Kong people, they never intended to give Hong Kong genuine universal suffrage. At that time, we believed that civil disobedience was inevitable and was the only way out.

The Starting Point of Civil Disobedience

Is breaking the law sinful? We broke the law with a cause, as “civil disobedience” is the refusal to comply with certain laws considered unjust, as a peaceful form of political protest in the interest of the public to change the unjust system or law. Non-Permanent Judge of the Court of Final Appeal Honourable Leonard Hoffman stated in the well-known R v Jones (Margaret) [2007] 1 AC 136 case that, “civil disobedience on conscientious grounds has a long and honourable history in this country. People who break the law to affirm their belief in the injustice of a law or government action are sometime vindicated by history. It is the mark of a civilised community that it can accommodate protests and demonstrations of this kind.”

The recent decision by the Court of Appeal concerning the Civic Square outside the government headquarter（Secretary for Justice v Wong Chi Fung (2018) 21 HKCFAR 35) also confirmed the idea of civil disobedience(paragraphs 70-72 of the judgment refer). This , therefore, confirmed that myself and the other 8 defendants as well as other civil disobedience protestors, should not be understood as “breaking the law” in its general circumstances, nor should our sentencing be weighted against the usual standard. Hong Kong people have been fighting for democracy through protest for 30 years already, whether it was during the times of colonial British rule or during the special administrative region, there has been no improvement. Today, we fought for democracy, just as the fights for freedom and democracy in India, South Africa and Poland, and civil disobedience is inevitable. It is true that we did not want to block the roads or affect Hong Kong citizens attending to work or school. But on reflection, didn’t the Communist Chinese and Special Administrative governments block our road to democracy and interfere with our rights to speak up?

If what I did was in the name of civil disobedience, why should I defend my case and not bear the criminal responsibility? In December 2014, the police made use of the statutory offences of “attending unauthorised assembly and inciting participation in unauthorised assembly” and arrested me at the village I live in. In March 2017, the police amended their charges to common law offences of “incitement to commit public nuisance and incitement to incite public nuisance”. As Mr. Benny Tai said in his closing submissions, quoting law professor of Cambridge University John R. Spencer on common law charges, “...almost all the prosecutions for public nuisance in recent years seem to have taken place in one of two situations: first, where the defendant’s behaviour amounted to a statutory offence, typically punishable with a small penalty, and the prosecutor wanted a bigger or extra stick to beat him with, and secondly, where the defendant’s behaviour was not obviously criminal at all and the prosecutor could think of nothing else to charge him with.” Coincidentally, the then Court of Appeal Honourable Mr Justice Robert Tang Kwok-ching stated in his retirement speech in 2018 that, “Common law can be used oppressively. It is protean power, unless adequately controlled by the proper application of human rights law, can be misused.” What he said has become true today.

Faced with 2 charges, I am going to stand by reasons and my principles, in order to assist the Court to overturn an unjust prosecution. However, should the court find me guilty, I shall bear the criminal responsibility. I have no qualm or regrets, in fulfilment of my chosen path of civil disobedience.

Who has not yet awoken?

I do reflect as to whether I am simply seeking a criminal sentence in order to make a point, or to encourage other young men to follow my footsteps into the gates of the prison. I have reflected upon this repeatedly. However, my answer is that, I am doing this precisely because I do not wish to see other young men following my suit into the prison. Because of this, I need to fight for what is ours fearlessly. Although today we are confronted by an oppressive authority, the looming legislation of unjust laws and a clouded future, I shall be as I always am: relentless maintaining my stance that a real election is the path to freedom for Hong Kong people. Anyone who claims to be acting in the interest of the next generation should fight for a free and equal choice for their youths. This is in order for them to learn to be independent, to be able to tell rights from wrongs. There should be no paternal thinking, simply teaching the next generation to be slaves of money and accessories to the oppressor.

My Lord Jesus Christ has said: ‘Very truly I tell you, unless a kernel of wheat falls to the ground and dies, it remains only a single seed. But if it dies, it produces many seeds. (Book of John 12:24.) Without sacrifice, there is no reward. I don’t wish to see any more young men having to join the path of civil disobedience as I did, and to pay the price as I did. However, I ask this of all men and women of wisdom: if peaceful demonstration in the old fashioned way has lost its effectiveness and was simply ignored, why is peaceful civil disobedience not a good way to bring about change whilst one is being oppressed? If not for this crowd movement, C Y Leung would still be sitting comfortably on the throne.

I have no mitigation to submit. I only wish that the Court would spare Reverend Chu, who is an elderly of 75 years of age. I pray that a non-custodial sentence may be passed for Reverend Chu. I hope that the Court will have leniency and mercy for Reverend Chu. I refer to the work of the American legal philosopher Ronald Dworkin in 1968, namely: ‘On Not Prosecuting Civil Disobedience’. He opined that, not only should the Court allow leniency to civil disobedience participants, but also should they not be prosecuted. In fact, Lord Hoffmann NPJ of the CFA stated the following in an interview with Apple Daily and South China Morning Post on 4th December 2014 (which was at the end of the Umbrella Movement, a day before the surrender of the 3 initiators of the Occupy Central Movement): ‘In any civilised society, there is room for people making political points by civil disobedience.’ ‘These are not wicked people.’ Civil disobedience had ‘an old tradition’ in the common law world. ‘When it comes to punishment, the court should take into account their personal convictions.’ In light of this, I hope the Court shall pass a humane sentence.

Your honour, I have no regret for participating in the Umbrella Movement and the fight for democracy. It was an honour of a lifetime. I have spent the best 10 years of my youth in social movements. If I can live up to 80-year-old, I would still have 50 years to walk alongside the people of Hong Kong, to continue the fight. If this is in doubt, please test my will against the whips of criminal punishment. I shall take this as a trial of my determination. I only hope that my brothers and sisters-in-arms can be inspired whilst I am imprisoned, to do goods and encourage others. I hope they shall have further courage and strength to be honest men and women, to fight against the lies of the ruling Chinese Communist authority.

“Hope lies in the hands of the people, change starts from resistance.’ It’s only through the power of the people and direct action that the society can be changed. This was so 8 years ago. This is still the case today. May the will of the people of Hong Kong be firm and determined, to fight for democracy, overthrow the privileged, and let justice be done. All hail for freedom! All hail for democratic socialism!

May justice and peace of my Lord Jesus Christ be with me, with your Honour and with the People of Hong Kong!

Vice President of the League of Social Democrats,
the 8th Defendant of the Umbrella Movement Case

Raphael Wong Ho Ming
10th April 2019