【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

《美洲新世界》是以 17 世紀殖民時期美洲大陸為背景、採虛構歷史內容的多人角色扮演遊戲 ( MMORPG )
玩家來到大西洋一個廣闊卻危機四伏的超自然島嶼永恆島（Aeternum）冒險
遊戲製作商 Amazon Game Studios 表示
《美洲新世界》將結合動作、角色扮演要素
大規模的攻城戰，豐富的製作系統與角色升級等
希望能照顧到喜愛 PvE 探險或是 PvP 玩家的需求

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#玩乜懶嘢人包 #美洲新世界 #NewWorld #RPG

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
00:00 前言
00:42 非戰鬥元素
01:17 戰鬥系統
01:38 武器技能
02:51 角色升級
03:30 裝備
04:37 派系勢力
05:41 公會
06:13 領地
07:03 PvP大型戰爭
08:34 PvE大型戰爭
10:17 副本
11:18 買物業
11:49 總結
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其他連結 :
Steam 商店頁 - https://store.steampowered.com/app/1063730/New_World/

Source 1 - https://newworldfans.com/about-new-world-mmo
Source 2 - https://www.newworld.com/en-us/news/articles/march-to-battle-factions
Source 3 - https://www.newworld.com/en-us/news/articles/crafting-in-new-world
Source 4 - https://www.newworld.com/en-us/news/articles/items-in-new-world
Source 5 - https://www.newworld.com/en-us/news/articles/fight-the-world-war
Source 6 - https://www.newworld.com/en-us/news/articles/fight-the-world-invasions
Source 7 - https://www.newworld.com/en-us/news/articles/march-to-battle-corrupted-breaches
Source 8 - https://www.newworld.com/en-us/news/articles/arenas-of-the-ancient-guardians

又要來推坑阿滴桌遊啦！這次要來玩的是戰鎚冥土世界，有興趣的話可以點以下連結：https://www.warhammer-world.info/home/product_detail/15

Warhammer Underworlds is a tactical arena combat game. This is a system designed for balanced, small-scale tactical games that can be played quickly and easily by anyone, but which even experienced players will find challenging to master. The game rules are designed with competitive play in mind; matches can be played in under 45 minutes, on a smaller surface than our larger-scale games, and will be ideal for club or tournament play. And not only that, we’ll be fully supporting an organized play system for this game, right from day one.

The forces you can use in this game will be drawn from races across the Mortal Realms, including some for factions that have not received any new miniatures since we first ventured into the Age of Sigmar. Each of these sets will be composed of a small band of easy-to-assemble, push-fit miniatures in the style of our single-pose heroes to represent a specific band of warriors from that faction. These are provided in coloured plastic, and clip together, so you can quite literally be playing with them within minutes of opening the box with no glue or paint needed! (Though they do look great painted, and your dice will roll better – probably.)

The game is played using unique dice and card decks, and these will, to an extent, be unique to each faction. Both decks of cards used in the game are fully customisable – meaning you can choose to create all manner of combinations of overlapping abilities to use and objectives to achieve. This can be a really rewarding part of the game – and means that even the same faction can be played in wildly different ways. We’re expecting to see all sorts of combinations tried out at game stores, clubs and in tournaments.
希德塔的鏡像城市是幻想和瘋狂的噩夢，不斷變化的迷宮，無盡的樓梯，狹窄的街道和高聳的拱門。原來的城市失去了各種顏色和生命，幾千年來，它已經成為一種不詳的毀滅。那些踏入城牆的不幸，勇敢或莽撞的冒險家，穿過國界之間的帷幕，被困在鏡城之中。對於這樣的頑固的人，所有的希望似乎都失去了。

戰鎚40K
戰鎚

#戰鎚

規則錯誤部分如下：
●1:13－其實是鎚子，不是斧頭。
●8:17－首領讓攻擊擲骰重擲的能力，必須在投擲攻擊骰之前宣告使用。
●12:35－每輪的先後決定擲骰是四顆，不是五顆。
●12:56－阿滴的攻擊擲骰是1爆擊、1鎚、1劍，粒方的雖然也1爆擊，但比較完爆擊後，要比較一般成功的數量。索奧奇的攻擊行動是成功符號是鎚，阿滴還有1鎚，粒方已經沒有其他成功骰，所以該該次的攻擊行動是成功的。
●15:38－野獸人的激勵條件是敵方戰幫有兩名或更多鬥士陣亡，而不是全場。不過這是官方中文版本身印刷的問題（英文是正確的）。

處決聽眾
《邪惡 Evil》/《浪子神探 Prodigal Son》
新劇: 《Avenue5》
《滅魔家族 October Faction》
疫症專題: 《李屍朝鮮》《Chernobyl》
《性愛自修室》第2季
《無限地球危機》(下半部分)

* 本片不設中文字幕, 不便之處, 敬請見諒。
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[廢噏10分鐘] https://bit.ly/2HYZ4Ik

[煲劇雜碎] 影片列表: https://goo.gl/xFjAVZ

如果對任何閃電俠的觀看次序有疑問可參看以下影片:
DC漫畫改編電視劇-Crossover 角色客串集數 - 觀看次序大總覽 https://youtu.be/cC5s9pCUABY

另有-簡介/背景介紹/簡評(無劇透)-煲劇指南:
DC漫畫改編電視劇-煲劇指南 : https://youtu.be/JfAP5XDtFYY

更多DC漫畫改編電視劇影片可參看以下影片列表:
DC漫畫 電影/電視劇集: https://goo.gl/rp8FYl

更多Marvel漫畫改編電視劇影片可參看以下影片列表:
Marvel 漫畫改編電影/電視劇集: https://goo.gl/9I50qz

更多-歐美劇集介紹影片可參看以下影片列表:
煲劇指南-背景介紹/簡評(無劇透): https://goo.gl/WZx5TX
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