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在 exceed中文產品中有8篇Facebook貼文，粉絲數超過53萬的網紅黃之鋒 Joshua Wong，也在其Facebook貼文中提到， 【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】 ***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際...

　同時也有2部Youtube影片，追蹤數超過6萬的網紅大人的玩具，也在其Youtube影片中提到，跪求有空的朋友 為影片加上字幕(中文即可) 萬分感謝 https://www.youtube.com/timedtext_cs_panel?tab=2&c=UC1FmA48qj1YOYQ5I6j4l6YA 如果覺得我介紹的不錯,歡迎贊助我的開箱影片(Please support my video ...

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  • 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong

    exceed中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答

    2020-04-08 18:22:53
    有 400 人按讚

    【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

    ***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

    中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

    Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

    In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

    The possibility of realizing legislative majority

    Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

    The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

    Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

    Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

    Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

    To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

    While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

    Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

    Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

    Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

    What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

    Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

    The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

    Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

    Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

    Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

    The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

    All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

    https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

  • 立法委員 呂玉玲

    exceed中文 在 立法委員 呂玉玲 Facebook 的最佳貼文

    2020-03-21 15:15:28
    有 250 人按讚

    為因應世界各國針對新型冠狀病毒肺炎（武漢肺炎）
    分別採取國境及飛航限制，外交部宣布：2020年3月21日（含）以前，以免簽證、落地簽證或持停留簽證入境我國，且停留期限尚未逾期之外籍人士，其在臺得停留期限，一律自動延長30日，毋需另行申請。

    惟在臺總停留天數不得超過180天。此項措施將視疫情發展狀況檢討調整。

    In response to border control measures and flight bans implemented around the world to contain the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) outbreak, MOFA announces that all travelers who entered Taiwan on or before March 21, 2020, on a visitor visa, a landing visa, or through a visa-waiver program and who have not overstayed their legal stay period will be granted an automatic 30-day extension. No application is required. The total period of stay cannot exceed 180 days. These conditions are subject to change and may be adjusted as circumstances require.

    訊息來源｜外交部領事事務局

    EN｜https://reurl.cc/GVd8NA
    中文｜https://reurl.cc/NjXvxx

    👉加入玉玲影音頻道
    YouTube｜https://reurl.cc/51NWM
    LINE｜@yuling

  • 馮智政

    exceed中文 在 馮智政 Facebook 的最讚貼文

    2019-09-12 20:39:13
    有 262 人按讚

    #榮光歸上帝定香港 #MorganFreeman扮上帝又係僭越喇 宗教研究的學者朋友及宗教領袖，如陳雲提出：《願榮光歸香港》是僭越了上帝。他們認為榮光是只歸於上帝的。 我既不是神學專家，亦沒有自立宗派，我試圖由簡單的翻譯問題去切入，有錯請指正。

    因為聖經原文以希伯來語、亞蘭文及希臘文寫出，譯本只能夠盡可能地翻譯出聖經的原意。由於我不認識原語文的關係，我嘗試用King James的英文譯本與繁體中文和合本去比較。（香港其中一位認識這幾種語文的權威，相信是中大天主教研究中心主任的夏其龍神父。

    Too long dun read，因為文章太長，我將個結論寫在前面。無論「榮光」與「榮耀」在King James的英文譯本都只是用同一個字「Glory」。在和合本的中文聖經，「榮耀」是用於對上主的讚美，因此榮耀應該是歸於上帝的。但和合本在使用「榮光」時，可帶有物質性的意義，又或者是上帝的代名詞。因此榮光降臨人間，就有一種「願祢的國來臨」、「願祢的旨意奉行在人間。」的意味。加上，在《約伯記》中文翻譯了約伯曾經有「榮光」。不過，在「願榮光歸香港」這裏用「歸」字，就好像有少少主次不分。因此,個問題不是「榮光」誰屬，而是在於個「歸」字可改為「降臨」。

    #聖經研究

    －－長文開始－－

    在聖經英文版本裡Glory 這個字經常出現，但係在不同的意義上中文會翻譯成「榮耀」及「榮光」，在讚頌上帝是我們會傾向選擇用「榮耀」，如以下的經文：

    （約書亞記 7:19　Joshua 7:19）
    約書亞對亞干說：我兒，我勸你將榮耀歸給耶和華─以色列的神，在他面前認罪，將你所做的事告訴我，不要向我隱瞞
    And Joshua said unto Achan, My son, give, I pray thee, glory to the LORD God of Israel, and make confession unto him; and tell me now what thou hast done; hide it not from me.

    （歷代志上 16:28　I Chronicles 16:28-29）
    民中的 萬 族 啊 ， 你 們 要 將 榮 耀 能 力 歸 給 耶 和 華 ， 都 歸 給 耶 和 華
    "give to the Lord glory and strength...give to the Lord the glory of His name."

    （詩篇 62:7　Psalms 62:7）
    我 的 拯 救 、 我 的 榮 耀 都 在 乎 神 ； 我 力 量 的 磐 石 、 我 的 避 難 所 都 在 乎 神 。
    "In God is my salvation and my glory."

    （耶利米書 13:16　Jeremiah 13:16）
    耶 和 華 ─ 你 們 的 　 神 未 使 黑 暗 來 到 ， 你 們 的 腳 未 在 昏 暗 山 上 絆 跌 之 先 ， 當 將 榮 耀 歸 給 他 ； 免 得 你 們 盼 望 光 明 ， 他 使 光 明 變 為 死 蔭 ， 成 為 幽 暗 。
    "Give glory to the Lord your God."

    在形容一種物質（substance)時，和合本會選擇用「榮光」英文版亦為Glory

    （出埃及記 24:16 　Exodus 24:16）
    耶 和 華 的 榮 耀 停 於 西 乃 山 ； 雲 彩 遮 蓋 山 六 天 ， 第 七 天 他 從 雲 中 召 摩 西 。
    And the glory of the LORD abode upon mount Sinai, and the cloud covered it six days: and the seventh day he called unto Moses out of the midst of the cloud.

    （出埃及記 40:35　Exodus 40:35）
    摩西不能進會幕；因為雲彩停在其上，並且耶和華的榮光充滿了帳幕 。
    And Moses was not able to enter into the tent of the congregation, because the cloud abode thereon, and the glory of the LORD filled the tabernacle.

    （哥林多前書 15:41　1 Corinthians 15:41）
    日 有 日 的 榮 光 ， 月 有 月 的 榮 光 ， 星 有 星 的 榮 光 。 這 星 和 那 星 的 榮 光 也 有 分 別 。
    There is one glory of the sun, and another glory of the moon, and another glory of the stars: for one star differeth from another star in glory.

    在代表了上帝，或上帝象徵時，和合本亦會選擇用「榮光」英文版又為Glory

    （出埃及記 16:10 　Exodus 16:10）
    亞 倫 正 對 以 色 列 全 會 眾 說 話 的 時 候 ， 他 們 向 曠 野 觀 看 ， 不 料 ， 耶 和 華 的 榮 光 在 雲 中 顯 現 。
    And it came to pass, as Aaron spake unto the whole congregation of the children of Israel, that they looked toward the wilderness, and, behold, the glory of the LORD appeared in the cloud.

    （約翰福音 1:14　John 1:14）
    道成了肉身，住在我們中間，充充滿滿的有恩典有真理。我們也見過他的榮光，正是父獨生子的榮光。
    And the Word was made flesh, and dwelt among us, (and we beheld his glory, the glory as of the only begotten of the Father,) full of grace and truth.

    （以西結書 43:4　Ezekiel 43:4）
    耶和華的榮光從朝東的門照入殿中。
    And the glory of the LORD came into the house by the way of the gate whose prospect is toward the east.

    （民數記 16:19 　Numbers 16:19）
    可拉招聚全會眾到會幕門前，要攻擊摩西、亞倫；耶和華的榮光就向全會眾顯現。
    And Korah gathered all the congregation against them unto the door of the tabernacle of the congregation: and the glory of the LORD appeared unto all the congregation.

    （利未記 9:6 　Leviticus 9:6）
    摩 西 說 ： 這 是 耶 和 華 吩 咐 你 們 所 當 行 的 ； 耶 和 華 的 榮 光 就 要 向 你 們 顯 現 。
    And Moses said, This is the thing which the LORD commanded that ye should do: and the glory of the LORD shall appear unto you.

    當然我們亦都見到有些時候，應該翻譯成為自豪感嘅榮耀，會被翻譯為榮光

    （哥林多後書 3:9　2 Corinthians 3:9）
    若是定罪的職事有榮光， 那稱義的職事榮光就越發大了
    For if the ministration of condemnation be glory, much more doth the ministration of righteousness exceed in glory.

    之於榮光可以在屬於人間的呢？約伯記記錄了約伯與他的朋友辯論，「你們果然要向我誇大，以我的羞辱為證指責我，該知道是神傾覆我，用網羅圍繞我。 因委曲呼叫，卻不蒙應允；我呼求，卻不得公斷。神用籬笆攔住我的道路，使我不得經過；又使我的路徑黑暗。

    （約伯記 19:9　Job 19:9 ）
    他剝去我的榮光，摘去我頭上的冠冕 。
    He hath stripped me of my glory, and taken the crown from my head.

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