[首航運送］各方善長請注意：

有鑒於這次由駐港尼泊爾領事館監督的籌款，尼泊爾政府已授權尼泊爾非居民協會（“NRNA”）處理我們提供的醫療援助物資，以確保物資送抵之後，不會被徵收關稅。

在此之前，不少慈善團體（尤其是宗教團體）送到尼泊爾的物資，都遇到不少困難，當中一項就是關稅。沒有官方的認證，尼泊爾政府會假定所有進口貨品，都有機會被人轉售牟利，所以一定會徵收關稅。

為確保大家捐助的物資，會完完整整送到受助人的手上，必須要有官方保證，才可以順利過關。

有關 NRNA 的更多信息，請瀏覽 www.nrna.org.np 網站。

我們很高興地宣布，由 Mr. Yem Gurung 和何猷彪先生捐贈的第一批 450 40 L 氧氣瓶將於下週通過 Kodari Tatopani 海關運往加德滿都。陸運貨物預計從製造工廠到尼泊爾邊境需要5-6天。此批貨運亦包括依據尼泊爾政府旳要求而 製造的氧氣瓶規格，同時亦包括詳細說明書 解釋閥門轉換方法。

上述貨物將交給 NRNA 接收和盡快安排分配，資料會保存在 NRNA 的資產管理系統內。

何猷彪和 Mr. Y Gurung 在尼泊爾駐港領事館的協助下執行此次試運。如果一切順利，日後「香港退伍軍人聯會」和他們的合作團隊將會安排其他物資遵循第一批貨物開闢的路徑運送。

該項目保證會處理妥當，不會發生濫用職權或貪污賄賂。NRNA主席 Mr. Kumar Panta Ji 已親自回覆保證妥善處理和分發物資，並誠意感謝何猷彪先生、「香港香港退伍軍人聯會」、Mr. Y Gurung、香港尼泊爾駐港領事館和香港市民的鼎力支援。

謝謝大家。

Please be advised that The Government of Nepal has authorised Non-Resident Nepali Association ("NRNA") to handle the medical aid supplied by the foreign companies/organisations. Please visit the website: www.nrna.org.np for more information of NRNA.

We are pleased to announce the 1st shipment of 450 40 L Oxygen Cylinders, sponsored by Mr Yem Gurung and Mr Sean Hotung will travel via Tatopani Customs (Kodari) to Kathmandu next week. The land cargo estimated time will be 5-6 days from the factory to the Nepal border. The specification of Oxygen Cylinders and valve conversion method to match requirements in Nepal are part of the shipment.


The handover of the above mentioned consignment will be made to the NRNA for receiving and arranging the swift and efficient distribution of these cylinders and kept under the Asset Management System of NRNA.

Mr Hotung and Mr Y Gurung, with the help of the HK Nepali Consulate, are executing this trial run. If all proceeds accordingly, HKESA, together with their partners will follow the trail opened by the first shipment.

It is noted it has been made abundantly clear that there is to be no mishandling, no misuse and no corruption associated with this project. In reply, President Kumar Panta Ji of the NRNA, has given his personal assurance of the proper handling and distribution in conjunction with extending his deep thanks to Mr Ho, the HKESA, Mr Y. Gurung, the Nepali Consulate of Hong Kong, and the people of Hong Kong.

Fundraising link:

English donation link:

https://www.fringebacker.com/en/projects/covid-19-spiral-out-of-control-in-nepal/

中文捐款連結：

https://www.fringebacker.com/zh-tw/projects/covid-19-spiral-out-of-control-in-nepal/

【#蕭叔叔的語言偽術課】

如何屌9人「指白為黑」而不得罪老細

We regret the US decision to require all products made in Hong Kong to be labelled “Made in China”.

Such labels, while factually and geopolitically accurate (after all Hong Kong IS a part of China), are not indicative of the differences in manufacturing practices, customs, and legal requirements.

This is not, I must stress, a matter of us distancing ourselves from mainland China - the excellent quality of Chinese products is well known across the world and is something that Hong Kong aspires to. But it is with a view to honest communication and helping our trading partners make informed decisions, that we insist Hong Kong products be labelled “Made in Hong Kong”.

抽水叔叔

#只談語言不論政治
#請自行配上蕭叔的chok聲
#求翻譯成見得人的中文

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

自從發現我懷孕之後得知很多關於在台灣懷孕的禁忌！所以這次的影片我想討論台灣和加拿大的懷孕迷思和傳統，比較一下東西方文化差異～

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宅大大分享會???

日期：11月28號（星期六）
時間：早上11點-3點
地點：九龍區某大酒店
費用：每位$300
有興趣參加者，可先找宅管家留位
宅管家微信號：zdd_8686
名額有限，額滿即止

*本視頻設有繁體中文/簡體中文字幕功能
操作提示：在右上角按CC鍵，再㨂選所需字幕便可觀看。

相關連結：

～稅收計算器，只要輸入收入狀況資料，就能大概估算出每年繳稅額： https://www.gov.uk/estimate-income-tax

～國民保險：
https://www.gov.uk/national-insurance

～查市政稅：
http://cti.voa.gov.uk/cti/inits.asp

～行車稅資料：
https://www.gov.uk/vehicle-tax-rate-tables

～印花稅資料：
https://www.gov.uk/stamp-duty-land-tax/residential-property-rates

～印花稅計算器：
https://www.tax.service.gov.uk/calculate-stamp-duty-land-tax/#/intro

～儲蓄稅：
https://www.gov.uk/apply-tax-free-interest-on-savings

～股息稅：
https://www.gov.uk/stamp-duty-land-tax/residential-property-rates

～離岸信託：
https://www.pruadviser.co.uk/knowledge-literature/knowledge-library/excluded-property-trusts/#relatedcontent

～英國稅後收入計算器：
https://www.thesalarycalculator.co.uk/salary.php#modal-close

這是我2008年的作品，當時我大學畢業，從台灣搭飛機到了香港，用陸路交通的方式，花了一個月的時間，最後回到了馬來西亞。中途經過了五個國家11座城市。中間發生了很多事情，也交到了很多朋友。

最難忘的一站，是我在中國的海關被抓了，他們說我的衣服設計有問題(上面寫著”我要回家”)，於是他們沒收了我的攝影機。我問他有什麼條文規定我不能帶攝影機或界定我的衣服有問題？他說不出來，就說他覺得有問題就是有問題… 我跟他說我是外國遊客，為什麼不能帶攝影機？錯在哪裡？他說我會說中文，肯定不是外國人，甚至懷疑護照是假的，說我是反動分子… 但無論我說什麼他都不理我。我做了唯一讓他害怕的只有一個舉動，就是我用筆記下可他胸章上的名字。他立刻嘴唇發抖，馬上把胸章收進口袋…還立刻把我的紙搶過來撕掉…我笑著告訴他我記在頭腦裡了，撕了也沒用。他聽了眼神立刻慌了起來…

後來，他把我們囚禁在一個房間裡面，關了七個小時。沒有吃的，沒有水喝，沒有理由，也沒有交代… 最後我太餓了，跟他大吵了一架，我警告他我一定會把他的名字交上去…還騙他說我知道他的領導是誰，後來他就匆匆忙忙放我們走了…

法治國家 = 一切根據法律條文，你觸犯法律，就是錯了，你犯錯了我才可以逮捕你，就算你長得很像壞人，我也拿你沒辦法。
人治國家 = 法律條文只是參考。我覺得你有錯，就是有錯。你在還沒有做錯之前我就可以逮捕你，因為我懷疑你即將會犯錯…

整個旅程我們遇到了許多困難，包括毀壞了三個國家的湄公河大水災。七十多個土崩，歷經磨難之後終於回到了我的祖國馬來西亞。當警方一知道我入境後，便立刻聯絡我到警局總部報到作筆錄。當天來了五十多家國內外媒體總共上百個記者。我很緊張，因為第一次受到這樣的關注…但很慶幸，我沒有被他們從樓上丟下來。因為當時警察Puasa沒有吃飯，所以沒有力丟我…

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包包裝滿滿我準備衣錦還鄉
就像鳥兒在雲層穿梭飛翔
帶走了東西卻留下了遺憾
掩飾不住 一種惆悵

瀟瀟灑灑我覺得自己很勇敢
樹葉和花瓣都在為我鼓掌
期待的心情在我胸口瀰漫
一路往南 我的方向

翻山越嶺 準備好挑戰
一點一滴 累積著希望
荊棘困難 我歌聲悠揚
任誰都不能阻擋

我要回家 雖然路途漫長
走過山川海洋 有大風大雨跟我做伴
我要回家 跨越城市農莊
伴隨日月星光
哼著歌望著天空我乘風破浪

我要回家 看看我的爹娘
是否別來無恙 想與你曬家鄉的陽光
我要回家 就算跌跌撞撞
屬於我的地方
聞一聞這片土壤散發的芬芳

喔 我要回家 喔
我要回家 Yeah

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