今早為Asian Medical Students Association Hong Kong (AMSAHK)的新一屆執行委員會就職典禮作致詞分享嘉賓，題目為「疫情中的健康不公平」。
感謝他們的熱情款待以及為整段致詞拍了影片。以下我附上致詞的英文原稿：

It's been my honor to be invited to give the closing remarks for the Inauguration Ceremony for the incoming executive committee of the Asian Medical Students' Association Hong Kong (AMSAHK) this morning. A video has been taken for the remarks I made regarding health inequalities during the COVID-19 pandemic (big thanks to the student who withstood the soreness of her arm for holding the camera up for 15 minutes straight), and here's the transcript of the main body of the speech that goes with this video:

//The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, caused by the SARS-CoV-2 virus, continues to be rampant around the world since early 2020, resulting in more than 55 million cases and 1.3 million deaths worldwide as of today. (So no! It’s not a hoax for those conspiracy theorists out there!) A higher rate of incidence and deaths, as well as worse health-related quality of life have been widely observed in the socially disadvantaged groups, including people of lower socioeconomic position, older persons, migrants, ethnic minority and communities of color, etc. While epidemiologists and scientists around the world are dedicated in gathering scientific evidence on the specific causes and determinants of the health inequalities observed in different countries and regions, we can apply the Social Determinants of Health Conceptual Framework developed by the World Health Organization team led by the eminent Prof Sir Michael Marmot, world’s leading social epidemiologist, to understand and delineate these social determinants of health inequalities related to the COVID-19 pandemic.

According to this framework, social determinants of health can be largely categorized into two types – 1) the lower stream, intermediary determinants, and 2) the upper stream, structural and macro-environmental determinants. For the COVID-19 pandemic, we realized that the lower stream factors may include material circumstances, such as people’s living and working conditions. For instance, the nature of the occupations of these people of lower socioeconomic position tends to require them to travel outside to work, i.e., they cannot work from home, which is a luxury for people who can afford to do it. This lack of choice in the location of occupation may expose them to greater risk of infection through more transportation and interactions with strangers. We have also seen infection clusters among crowded places like elderly homes, public housing estates, and boarding houses for foreign domestic helpers. Moreover, these socially disadvantaged people tend to have lower financial and social capital – it can be observed that they were more likely to be deprived of personal protective equipment like face masks and hand sanitizers, especially during the earlier days of the pandemic. On the other hand, the upper stream, structural determinants of health may include policies related to public health, education, macroeconomics, social protection and welfare, as well as our governance… and last, but not least, our culture and values. If the socioeconomic and political contexts are not favorable to the socially disadvantaged, their health and well-being will be disproportionately affected by the pandemic. Therefore, if we, as a society, espouse to address and reduce the problem of health inequalities, social determinants of health cannot be overlooked in devising and designing any public health-related strategies, measures and policies.

Although a higher rate of incidence and deaths have been widely observed in the socially disadvantaged groups, especially in countries with severe COVID-19 outbreaks, this phenomenon seems to be less discussed and less covered by media in Hong Kong, where the disease incidence is relatively low when compared with other countries around the world. Before the resurgence of local cases in early July, local spread of COVID-19 was sporadic and most cases were imported. In the earlier days of the pandemic, most cases were primarily imported by travelers and return-students studying overseas, leading to a minor surge between mid-March and mid-April of 874 new cases. Most of these cases during Spring were people who could afford to travel and study abroad, and thus tended to be more well-off. Therefore, some would say the expected social gradient in health impact did not seem to exist in Hong Kong, but may I remind you that, it is only the case when we focus on COVID-19-specific incidence and mortality alone. But can we really deduce from this that COVID-19-related health inequality does not exist in Hong Kong? According to the Social Determinants of Health Framework mentioned earlier, the obvious answer is “No, of course not.” And here’s why…

In addition to the direct disease burden, the COVID-19 outbreak and its associated containment measures (such as economic lockdown, mandatory social distancing, and change of work arrangements) could have unequal wider socioeconomic impacts on the general population, especially in regions with pervasive existing social inequalities. Given the limited resources and capacity of the socioeconomically disadvantaged to respond to emergency and adverse events, their general health and well-being are likely to be unduly and inordinately affected by the abrupt changes in their daily economic and social conditions, like job loss and insecurity, brought about by the COVID-19 outbreak and the corresponding containment and mitigation measures of which the main purpose was supposedly disease prevention and health protection at the first place. As such, focusing only on COVID-19 incidence or mortality as the outcomes of concern to address health inequalities may leave out important aspects of life that contributes significantly to people’s health. Recently, my research team and I collaborated with Sir Michael Marmot in a Hong Kong study, and found that the poor people in Hong Kong fared worse in every aspects of life than their richer counterparts in terms of economic activity, personal protective equipment, personal hygiene practice, as well as well-being and health after the COVID-19 outbreak. We also found that part of the observed health inequality can be attributed to the pandemic and its related containment measures via people’s concerns over their own and their families’ livelihood and economic activity. In other words, health inequalities were contributed by the pandemic even in a city where incidence is relatively low through other social determinants of health that directly concerned the livelihood and economic activity of the people. So in this study, we confirmed that focusing only on the incident and death cases as the outcomes of concern to address health inequalities is like a story half-told, and would severely truncate and distort the reality.

Truth be told, health inequality does not only appear after the pandemic outbreak of COVID-19, it is a pre-existing condition in countries and regions around the world, including Hong Kong. My research over the years have consistently shown that people in lower socioeconomic position tend to have worse physical and mental health status. Nevertheless, precisely because health inequality is nothing new, there are always voices in our society trying to dismiss the problem, arguing that it is only natural to have wealth inequality in any capitalistic society. However, in reckoning with health inequalities, we need to go beyond just figuring out the disparities or differences in health status between the poor and the rich, and we need to raise an ethically relevant question: are these inequalities, disparities and differences remediable? Can they be fixed? Can we do something about them? If they are remediable, and we can do something about them but we haven’t, then we’d say these inequalities are ultimately unjust and unfair. In other words, a society that prides itself in pursuing justice must, and I say must, strive to address and reduce these unfair health inequalities. Borrowing the words from famed sociologist Judith Butler, “the virus alone does not discriminate,” but “social and economic inequality will make sure that it does.” With COVID-19, we learn that it is not only the individuals who are sick, but our society. And it’s time we do something about it.

Thank you very much!//

Please join me in congratulating the incoming executive committee of AMSAHK and giving them the best wishes for their future endeavor!

Roger Chung, PhD
Assistant Professor, CUHK JC School of Public Health and Primary Care, @CUHK Medicine, The Chinese University of Hong Kong 香港中文大學 - CUHK
Associate Director, CUHK Institute of Health Equity

Cheers! Our movie ‘Babi’ has been shortlisted by the Around International Film Festival and Thai Film Festival! Kop kun krap!🙏🙏🙏

To be frank, I have completed 2 films last year, one was ‘Nasi Lemak 1.0’ which was filmed above board and another film was ‘BABI’ which was filmed secretly. We never talked openly about this project because it is a banned film (Well, it’s pretty obvious even from the film title…) and we don’t want to get into unnecessary attention…

Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the release date of ‘Nasi Lemak 1.0’ has been delayed indefinitely and it has caused quite a big deal to us… While we were amidst of the dark clouds, we found our silver linings! ‘BABI’ was selected in 2 internationally famed film festivals, the ARFF Berlin (Around International Film Festival Berlin) and the International Thai Film Festival! We were really really happy about it!

‘BABI’ is a film based on a real-life event, the movie sheds light on a massive school racial riot which took place in year 2000 in a small town somewhere Southern in Malaysia. During that time Malaysia was still under the authoritarian rule of one-dominant party, abuse of power and corruption were frequent, media and news were being stringently controlled and filtered. Thus, the incident was being ‘compromised’ by relevant authority, most of Malaysians doesn’t know about this incident.

The script was actually written 7 years ago, the main reason that the film was not in production that time was because nobody would ever consider to invest on a zero-profit, must-be banned film. The second reason was I had no idea whom should I ask for help, I believed after hearing the film title, everyone would be scared off... Yet in the end, I’m still managed to finish this film with a very very very tight budget. I want to thank all the people who have contributed greatly to the movie, especially the producer Joko Toh

We decided to put the 7-year-old script in production is to tell the truth behind the story but most importantly sending a message to all Malaysians that we must be more unified disregard of our ethnicity and race. In short, we shall always lend a helping hand to each others and communicate with our hearts and souls, therefore we won’t be exploited by politicians who incite racial sentiment to reach their end goal. Otherwise, more tragic like this will happens…

The idea of be able to screen this film in Malaysia has never crossed my mind before, that’s why we never tried to register the film after the production. Rightly next, I hope that this film can be seen elsewhere other than at Thailand’s or Germany’s film festival, I wish there are better methods in exposing the film and to reach out to everyone. Currently, we are still on our lofty quest but please do cheer for us! Happy Merdeka Day in advance! Malaysia Boleh!

*Versi BM*
Tahniah! Filem kami [BABI] telah dipilih dalam Around International Film Festival dan Thai Film Festival ! Kop Kun Krap! 🙏🙏🙏

Sebenarnya pada tahun lepas kami telahpun menghasilkan dua buah filem. Yang pertama adalah filem [Nasi Lemak 1.0] yang penggambarannya dijalankan dengan berani dan terang, satu lagi adalah filem [BABI] dimana proses penggambaran dijalankan dalam keadaan yang sulit dan rahsia. Kami tidak pernah membuat apa-apa pengumuman mengenai perkara ini, kerana khuathir filem ini akan menimbulkan kontroversi (lihat sajalah nama filemnya...) Kami tidak mahu memburukkan keadaan.

Disebabkan isu pandemik Covid-19, filem [Nasi Lemak 1.0] tidak dapat ditayangkan di pawagam dan telah membawa kerugian yang teruk pada kami. Walaubagaimanapun kami menerima berita baik berkenaan pemilihan filem [BABI] dalam dua festival filem antarabangsa yang berprestij iaitu ARFF Berlin (Around International Film Festival Berlin) serta International Thai Film Festival! Kami berasa amat gembira!

Filem [BABI] adalah lakonan semula sebuah rusuhan perkauman yang berlaku di sebuah sekolah menengah yang terletak di bahagian selatan Malaysia pada tahun 2000. Pada ketika itu Malaysia masih berada di bawah kepemimpinan parti yang dominan. Pemimpin-pemimpin menyalahgunakan kuasa dan pihak media dikawal sepenuhnya oleh kerajaan. Oleh yang demikian, tragedi ini akhirnya telah 'diselesaikan' oleh pihak tertentu dan rakyat Malaysia telah 'disekat' dari peristiwa tersebut.

Skrip asal untuk filem [BABI] telah saya tulis sejak 7 tahun yang lalu. Namun antara sebab utama saya tidak dapat menghasilkan filem ini adalah kerana isu modal, kerana tiada yang sudi mengeluarkan modal untuk sebuah filem yang mungkin akan diharamkan dan tidak akan ditayangkan di pawagam. Sebab kedua adalah kerana saya tidak tahu siapa yang akan sudi menghasilkan filem ini bersama saya kerana saya pasti, hanya dengan mendengar namanya saja sudah tentu tiada yang akan ingin mengambil bahagian. Namun dengan segala daya usaha dari semua pihak yang sudi membantu dan menerusi modal yang teramat-amat rendah, kami akhirnya berjaya menghabiskan filem ini. Saya dengan ikhlas ingin berterima kasih pada semua krew, petugas, pelakon dan kakitangan belakang tabir yang terlibat dalam menjayakan filem ini, terutamanya penerbit Joko Toh

Tujuan utama kami merealisasikan skrip yang ditulis sejak 7 tahun yang lalu adalah untuk membongkar perkara sebenar seluruh peristiwa ini. Juga menerusi filem ini, kami ingin menyampaikan mesej betapa pentingnya perpaduan dan keharmonian diantara kaum supaya dielak dari dipergunakan oleh ahli politik demi untuk mencapai matlamat dan motif masing-masing. Jika tidak, kami percaya pasti pasti lebih banyak tragedi ngeri bakal berlalu...

Tak pernah terlintas dalam fikiran kami untuk menayangkan filem ini di Malaysia. Oleh yang demikian, kami tak pernah mohon dari mana-mana pihak berkenaan permohonan penayangan. Kami berharap selepas ini, filem ini bukan saja akan ditayangkan di festival filem Berlin dan Thailand, kami mahu supaya filem [BABI] dapat ditonton oleh lebih ramai penonton di seluruh dunia. Kami akan tetap berusaha, silalah berdoa dan sokong usaha kami! Selamat Hari Kemerdekaan untuk Malaysia! Malaysia Boleh!

*中文翻譯*
恭喜恭喜! 我們的電影【BABI/你是豬】入選了【ARFF環球國際電影節(柏林)】還有【泰國國際電影節】! Kop kun krap! 🙏🙏🙏

其實去年我在馬來西亞完成了兩部電影拍攝，一部是光明正大在拍的叫【辣死你媽-續集】，而另一部電影則是秘密進行的，叫【BABI/你是豬】。這件事情從頭到尾我們都沒有公開過，因為這是一部禁片（看戲名就知道了），我們不想節外生枝...

【辣死你媽-續集】因為疫情的緣故沒辦法上映，造成了嚴重的虧損... 當我們在愁雲慘霧之際，卻收到了天大的好消息! 就是【BABI/你是豬】入圍了國際上著名的兩大影展 【ARFF環球國際電影節(柏林)】和【泰國國際電影節】! 真的很開心!

【BABI/你是豬】真人真事改編自一起大型校園種族暴動事件，發生在2000年馬來西亞南方小鎮的一所學校裡。當時的馬來西亞處在一黨獨大，濫權腐敗，媒體被嚴格控管及消息封鎖的階段。因此這起事件在當時已被相關單位“和諧”，在馬來西亞幾乎沒有人知道。

其實這是我七年前寫的劇本，我沒拍出來的第一個原因，當然是因為沒有人會願意把錢丟進一部即將被禁，賺不回本的電影裡。第二個原因則是我當時不知道要找誰幫我拍，相信聽到這個戲名，大家應該都怕了吧... 但最後我還是以很低很低成本的方式，拜託了很多人幫忙，才完成了這部電影。真的要謝謝參與電影拍攝的每一個台前幕後的人，尤其監製 Joko Toh。

我們決定要把這部七年前的劇本拍出來的目的，就是要揭露整起暴動事件的真相，也要藉此電影提醒馬來西亞人，種族之間必須更團結，互助，交流，才不會一直被政治人物利用，以操弄種族情緒而達到政治目的。否則將會發生更多類似的悲劇...

我從來都沒有想過這部電影能夠在馬來西亞上映，所以我們拍完了之後從來都沒有拿去申請過。接下來，希望這部電影不止在泰國和德國的影展能看到，期待以後能夠以更光明正大的方式讓所有人都能看到。我們還在努力中，請為我們加油吧！預祝馬來西亞獨立日快樂! Malaysia Boleh!

FINAS Malaysia Kementerian Dalam Negeri (KDN) Polis Diraja Malaysia ( Royal Malaysia Police ) #LPF Lembaga Penapisan Filem

I have recently perused Nicholas Kristof’s NYT piece “China’s Man in Washington, Named Trump”(https://nyti.ms/3h2JXh8). One paragraph in particular caught my attention: “A joke in China suggests that Trump’s Chinese name is Chuan Jianguo, or “Build-the-Country Trump.” That’s because Build-the-Country is a common revolutionary name among Communist patriots, and it’s mockingly suggested that Trump’s misrule of the United States is actually bolstering Xi’s regime.”

Kristoff also avows that since Trump’s ascension to presidency, the American nation became highly polarized. This is reflected in the current administration’s policies on climate change, foreign relations with established U.S. allies, and COVID-19 prevention, all of which are rather ineffective. It also seems like Mr. Trump and his team diverged from the traditional priorities, including promoting free trade, human rights, and other quintessentially American values. As described thoroughly by John Bolton, all these factors contributed to the declining standing of the U.S. in global politics.

What is more, many people fall prey to CCP’s propaganda and its interpretations of Trump’s actions, which only enhances China’s reputation.

But that might not exactly be the case.

The CCP apparently failed to utilize the window of opportunity created by the ineptness of the Trump administration, as China could have grown to the position of a leader by filling in the void left by the U.S.

During the 2016 APEC Ministerial Meeting in Lima, Peru, Xi Jinping and his team actively supported the plans to establish the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and a Free Trade Area of the Asia Pacific, or FTAAP. In contrast, the United States withdrew its signature from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) in early 2017. Coupled with China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure and Investment Bank (AIIB), this move bolstered China’s capacity to influence global investments and trade, high-tech mergers and acquisitions, and, overall, expand its geostrategic influence on the entire globe.

At the same time, various propaganda films about great power competition, military industry, and science and technology surged all at once, and gained remarkable following around the world.

All this provided a window of opportunity for the CCP to slowly change its course. Around the same time, the distrust for POTUS among U.S. allies’ reached its apex. According to polls conducted by the Pew Research Center, the distrust for the U.S. president in the U.K. reached 75%, 72% in Japan, 70% in Australia, and stunning 86% in France.

Had the C.C.P,. begun to open up at that time, or at least resumed the governance style of the Hu-Wen administration, it could have reaped the benefits of promoting liberalism where the U.S. failed to deliver. It was the time for Beijing to gradually enhance freedom of speech domestically, pursue sustainable infrastructural projects, gradually reform unfair barriers to trade, transform its S.O.E.s, strengthen protections for private ownership, and vitalize its start-ups and enterprises.

Moreover, were China to cease the genocide in East Turkestan and refrain from cracking down on Hong Kong's semi-autonomy, it would have greatly enhanced its global international image. Additionally, if paired with slow but steady reforms, Beijing’s respect for sovereignty of its peoples would have attracted a large amount of foreign investment, which in turn would have continued to buttress the country’s growth.

It is China prerogative to remain idle.
It might still be possible for Chinese “Dream” to come true.
Yet, a historic window of opportunity is now closed.

Xi assumed the tools of proscribing and stalling, which are completely antithetical to the aforementioned window of opportunity.

Today, China is more authoritarian, less flexible, and fully deprived of horizontal accountability. Its reliance on wolf warrior diplomacy backfired: for example, the Swedish parliament sought to expel the Chinese ambassador to Stockholm. Also, Prague, the capital of Czechia, terminated its sister-city agreement with Shanghai and instead signed a new one with Taipei. Last but not least, we ought not to forget about the recent fiasco in the relations with the United States who ordered the shutdown of China’s consulate in Houston. All of this took its toll on China’s reputation.

Its international standing and inability to replace the U.S. as the major global power are not the only issues China is currently facing.
As it experiences multiple domestic and international shocks, China struggles to combat the COVID-19 pandemic and tame the disastrous floods of Yangtze River. The swarm of locusts of biblical proportions is also crippling Beijing’s institutional capacity and may soon lead to food shortages. In fact, the precarity of food supply further diminishes the level of trust for Chinese authorities.

In 2019, the Pew Research Center conducted a public opinion survey to examine the international views of China. In the U.S., Argentina, the U.K., Canada, Germany, and Ukraine, only about 30% of respondents claim a favorable view of China.

As the COVID-19 pandemic rages in the U.S., as many as 73% of U.S. respondents view China unfavorably.

Recently, the C.C.P. is losing its focus by continuously shifting targets. In fact, I believe there is no need for the C.C.P.to rely on nationalistic appeals, since in this new century values, business relations, and fair competition are all far more important than greater than delusive blood ties.
China lies only 130 kilometers away from us. Of course, we welcome dialogue and seek to avoid misjudgments. But we also distinguish between the C.C.P. and China. While we do welcome dialogue, but we will not be coerced to talk under unjust preconditions or in fear.

The only fair prerequisites are those of reciprocity, mutual respect as well as fairness and openness with respect for the rule of law.
Source: Pew Research Center

最近看到紐約時報中文版的一篇文章
<美國的川普，中國的「川建國」>，其中一小段是這樣的

「在中國，人們戲稱川普的中文名字是川建國。那是因為建國是共產黨愛國者中一個普遍的革命人名。它在諷刺地暗示川普對美國的治理不當實際上是在鞏固習近平的政權。」

裡面也提到，川普在任的幾年，國家更分裂，對於氣候變遷，傳統美國盟友，乃至於疫情處理等都相當拙劣，對於美國傳統的自由貿易、人權等價值也基本上都沒有太大興趣。這些方針，導致美國在世界的評價降低，波頓的新書也多有描述。

除此之外，許多不幸相信中共宣傳，又或者是中共圈養的小粉紅，特別故意愛宣傳川普增強中國的威望。

但這不是真的。

中共完全沒有掌握美國做得不夠好的地方，去增強其在世界的領導力。

在2016年時，秘魯的亞太峰會舉行期間，習近平政權爭取（RCEP）及亞太自由貿易區（FTAAP）談判；對比2017年初，美國剛宣布退出ＴＰＰ，加上中國到「一帶一路」和亞洲基礎設施投資銀行，中國當時在世界全面發揮投資貿易、高科技併購還有其地緣戰略的影響力。

也是那個時候，各種的大國崛起、大國軍工、大國科技的宣傳影片此起彼落，似乎正準備要在世界舞台發光發熱。

這曾經是中共慢慢轉向的一個機會之窗。彼時（2017)美國盟友對美國總統的不信任度達到歷史新高，根據皮尤研究中心的資訊，英國對於美國總統的不信任度達到75%、日本72% 澳洲70% 法國更高達86%

如果那時中共開始有限度的改革，對內放寬言論自由，或者至少維持在胡溫當時的水中，對外追求有責任的基礎建設，逐步緩慢減低不公平的貿易壁壘，對於國有企業改革，增強私營企業、新創企業的活力。

停止對新疆迫害，不干預香港自治，不僅國際形象會大幅改善，哪怕是緩慢但是穩健的改革，也會讓大量吸引外資，讓中國的活力持續前進。

哪怕是什麼都不做也好

那或許有這麽一點可能性，中國「夢」是可以前行的

但是歷史機緣的大門已經關上。

習、禁、停、放棄了這個機會之窗，徹底的走向相反的方向。

更專制、更沒有彈性，更沒有任何制衡的力量。各種戰狼外交，讓瑞典議員提案驅逐中國大使，捷克布拉格市長與台北簽訂姊妹是，就解散上海與該市關係、被美國關閉領事館、各種讓中國形象低下的事情，中共都沒有少做。

中共不但完全沒有辦法取代美國，在多重國內外的衝擊之下，又是瘟疫，又是超大水患，緊接著蝗害，還有進來的糧食不足問題，正在面臨巨大的瓶頸。

而糧食的命脈，卻恰恰又在對他最不信任，對中共價值最反對的國家聯盟

根據皮尤研究中心:Pew Research Center2019調查各國對中國的喜好度，美國、阿根廷、英國、加拿大、德國、烏克蘭等，對於中國的喜好度都在30%上下

而2020疫情後美國對於中國的不信任度，更高達73%。

最近中共在演習，又要玩轉移目標的手段，對於中共，其實不必再有民族主義的同情，因為新的世紀，價值、商業模式、公平競爭的制度大於血緣幻想。

中國離我們只有130公里的距離，我們當然歡迎對話，避免誤判。但我們同時也區分中共與中國，歡迎對話，但不在前提、條件、恐懼之下對話。

如果真的要有前提，那就是對等、尊重，還有公平公開法治的方式會晤。

資料來源：皮尤研究中心:Pew Research Center
（美國著名的民調機構和智庫機構，https://www.pewresearch.org/）

好聽的韓文歌也可以變成好聽的中文歌！
謝謝藍燁願意一起翻譯，願意在251 Studio錄音，願意出現在MV裡😳
我很習慣一個人做事：一個人拍影片、一個人錄音、一個人剪
這次每一步都有人願意幫忙，我都不知道怎麼謝謝他們😭
希望你能感受到大家的努力，希望你會享受這首中文翻唱❤️

Great Korean songs can be great in Chinese too!
Thank you Lan Yeh for helping translate, recording in 251 Studio, and appearing in this MV! 😳
I'm used to doing things myself, everything from shooting videos to recording the audio and editing. This time I had help every step of the way, and I don't know how to express my gratitude towards those who've contributed.😭
I hope you can feel the effort everyone put in, I hope you'll enjoy this cover.❤️

————————————————————

🔍 喜歡的可以去追下面的社會媒體！
🙏 謝謝每一位跟我們合作的

————————————————————
▶︎藍燁 Lan Yeh: https://www.instagram.com/lanyeh251
▶︎孟菲 Sonia Chang: https://www.instagram.com/soniasunny_chang
▶︎崔璀璨 Tristan H.: https://www.instagram.com/yakitorisutan
▶︎荼靡 ERIN: https://www.instagram.com/erin.makeup2018
▶︎Robert Lin: https://www.instagram.com/idea_convergence
▶︎Max Hsieh: https://www.instagram.com/max.hsieh31
▶︎小雷 Rengar: https://www.instagram.com/garena770
▶︎北灣俱場 North Bay: https://www.facebook.com/northbay.tw
————————————————————

《주지마 Don't》
原曲：로꼬 (Loco), 화사 (마마무)
歌詞翻譯：崔璀璨、藍燁、Hung-Sen Kang

【音樂 / Music】
藍燁 Lan Yeh / Rap 饒舌
孟菲 Sonia Chang / Drums 鼓手
茼蒿 Dang Ou / Guitar 吉他手
崔璀璨 Tristan H. / Vocals 主唱
Sho Chien / Bass 低音吉他

【攝影 / Cinematography】
Robert Lin / Director 導演
Max Hsieh / D.P. 攝影師
EVAVAX Studio / Production 製作

【製作團 / Production Team】
倫心金堽 King Kon Lin / Manager 管理人
荼靡 ERIN / Makeup & Styling 造型師
251 Studio / Vocal, Rap, Guitar Recording 錄音室
小雷 Rengar / Bartender 調酒師
Sho Chien / Mixing 混音
孟菲 & Sho Chien / Beat Editing 節奏編輯
Chia Chi Chen / Assistant Producer 助理製作
Neo Liu / Assistant Producer 助理製作

【場地 / Location】
北灣俱場 North Bay


#Hwasa #Mamamoo #翻唱 #Cover #Loco

收埋啲卡，由於呢碟嘢老外應該無興趣，今集嘅英文字幕會變成可能係頻道中最on9嘅港式英語字幕，完全無內容可言，只係亂9黎既中文直譯，見乜打乜，多謝一位網友之前嘅建議，今集用得著喇 lol.

材料：
雞腳 2 磅 （或去骨鳳爪）
洋蔥 半個
薑 1片
蒜蓉 4瓣
蔥 2條
芫茜 2條
辣椒 3條
蘋果醋 5湯匙
魚露 1湯匙
冰糖 1個

Thanks to one of you who contributed your idea to create a video with ridiculously translated English subtitles. As I assumed this dish is no where popular outside Asia, it's a good chance to make it happen :)

#泰式鳳爪 #鳳爪

早前我們跟微辣拍片，笑到肚子都歪掉了～
這次還有好多好多澳門美食超讚手信推介！

═════════════════════════════════════

大家好，我是Alice！來自香港的美容時尚生活短片創作者！
社群協力字幕功能已經開放了！
如果你喜歡我的短片，希望你可以幫助加上字幕！萬分感激！
http://www.youtube.com/timedtext_video?ref=share&v=jJZXm5Q6E4s

Hi! This is Alice from Hong Kong. I'm a beauty/fashion/lifestyle video creator!
The Community-contributed subtitles can be used now!
Please help me to add the subtitle if you like my video. Thanks a lot!
http://www.youtube.com/timedtext_video?ref=share&v=jJZXm5Q6E4s

This is a non-sponsored video.
This video was directed and edited by Alice Ha.

═════════════════════════════════════

- Follow Me -
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/alicehahahaha
Instagram: http://instagram.com/aliceha
Blog: http://alicehablog.blogspot.hk
Weibo: http://weibo.com/aliceha

═════════════════════════════════════