我國因莫德納疫苗無法穩定到貨，除原本優先接種疫苗名單第一至第三類人員和孕婦，仍維持間隔28天施打第二劑外，其他都宣佈推遲為間隔10至12週。雖然已是同島不同命，但現在等第二劑的民眾更是焦慮，因為到底能不能在12週內順利完成接種得到足夠的保護力，竟然也得不到政府的保證？在此提醒中央疫情指揮中心，到目前為止找得到有關莫德納疫苗施打的官方指引中，第二劑都是建議4週或6週；就算有疫苗限制，WHO也寫明間隔最長也就是12週！

有關莫德納接種第二劑應該間隔多久，美國CDC和WHO網站寫得很清楚。美國CDC認為間隔為4週，最長為6週，超過6週才接種第二劑的有效性訊息有限。WHO也是建議間隔4週，可延長至6週；若疫苗供應嚴重限制的國家，為提高第一劑的覆蓋率，可考慮將第二劑疫苗延遲至最長12週；建議遵守完整接種時間表，而且兩次接種不建議混打。

附上美國CDC和WHO相關連結和肉容：

➡️美國CDC
♦️英文版：
Moderna COVID-19 vaccine
Get your second shot 4 weeks (or 28 days) after your first.
You should get your second shot as close to the recommended 4-week interval as possible. However, your second dose may be given up to 6 weeks (42 days) after the first dose, if necessary. You should not get the second dose early. ​There is currently limited information on the effectiveness of receiving your second shot earlier than recommended or later than 6 weeks after the first shot.

♦️中文版：
莫德納COVID-19疫苗
請在接種第一劑後的4週（或28天）接種第二劑。
您應盡可能在建議的4週間隔內接種第二劑。但是，如有必要，第二劑可以在接種第一劑後6週（42天）接種。不應過早接種第二劑。目前，關於在建議的時間之前或第一劑接種6週之後接種第二劑的有效性訊息有限。

♦️網站連結：
https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/vaccines/second-shot.html

➡️WHO
♦️英文版：
SAGE recommends the use of the Moderna mRNA-1273 vaccine at a schedule of two doses (100 µg, 0.5 ml each) 28 days apart. If necessary, the interval between the doses may be extended to 42 days.
Studies have shown a high public health impact where the interval has been longer than that recommended by the EUL. Accordingly, countries facing a high incidence of COVID-19 combined with severe vaccine supply constraints could consider delaying the second dose up to 12 weeks in order to achieve a higher first dose coverage in high priority populations.
Compliance with the full schedule is recommended and the same product should be used for both doses.

♦️中文版：
戰略諮詢專家組推薦的莫德納mRNA-1273疫苗使用方案為，分兩次接種（每次100微克，0.5毫升），間隔28天。如有必要，接種間隔可延長至42天。
研究表明，如果間隔時間比《緊急使用清單》建議的時間長，會對公共衛生產生嚴重影響。因此，面臨COVID-19發生和疫苗供應嚴重限制的國家，可考慮將第二劑疫苗延遲至最多12週，以便在高優先人群中實現更高的第一劑覆蓋率。
建議遵守完整接種時間表，兩次接種應使用相同的產品。

♦️網站連結：
https://www.who.int/news-room/feature-stories/detail/the-moderna-covid-19-mrna-1273-vaccine-what-you-need-to-know?gclid=Cj0KCQjw6ZOIBhDdARIsAMf8YyHAy7nQ2sGbTqgw2vsOWnOTUCKFMFsrQX97xWqq9gHrEy_YAnoBMVsaAprKEALw_wcB

【Joshua Wong speaking to the Italian Senate】#意大利國會研討會演說 —— 呼籲世界在大學保衛戰一週年後與香港人站在同一陣線

中文、意大利文演說全文：https://www.patreon.com/posts/44167118

感謝開創未來基金會（Fondazione Farefuturo）邀請，讓我透過視像方式在意大利國會裡舉辦的研討會發言，呼籲世界繼續關注香港，與香港人站在同一陣線。

意大利作為絕無僅有參與一帶一路發展的國家，理應對中共打壓有更全面的理解，如今正值大學保衛戰一週年，以致大搜捕的時刻，當打壓更為嚴峻，香港更需要世界與我們同行。

為了讓各地朋友也能更了解香港狀況，我已在Patreon發佈當天演說的中文、英文和意大利文發言稿，盼望在如此困難的時勢裡，繼續讓世界知道我們未曾心息的反抗意志。

【The Value of Freedom: Burning Questions for Hong Kongers】

Good morning. I have the privilege today to share some of my thoughts and reflections about freedom, after taking part in social activism for eight years in Hong Kong. A movement calling for the withdrawal of the extradition law starting from last year had escalated into a demand for democracy and freedom. This city used to be prestigious for being the world’s most liberal economy, but now the infamous authoritarian government took away our freedom to election, freedom of assembly, freedom of expression and ideas.

Sometimes, we cannot avoid questioning the cause we are fighting for, the value of freedom. Despite a rather bleak prospect, why do we have to continue in this struggle? Why do we have to cherish freedom? What can we do to safeguard freedom at home and stay alert to attacks on freedom? In answering these questions, I hope to walk through three episodes in the previous year.

Turning to 2020, protests are not seen as frequently as they used to be on the media lens, partly because of the pandemic, but more importantly for the authoritarian rule. While the world is busy fighting the pandemic, our government took advantage of the virus to exert a tighter grip over our freedom. Putting the emergency laws in place, public assemblies in Hong Kong were banned. Most recently, a rally to support press freedom organized by journalists was also forbidden. While many people may ask if it is the end of street activism, ahead of us in the fight for freedom is another battleground: the court and the prison.

Freedom Fighters in Courtrooms and in Jail

Part of the huge cost incurred in the fight for freedom and democracy in Hong Kong is the increasing judicial casualties. As of today, more than 10 thousand people have been arrested since the movement broke out, more than a hundred of them are already locked up in prison. Among the 2,300 protestors who are prosecuted, 700 of them may be sentenced up to ten years for rioting charges.

Putting these figures into context, I wish to tell you what life is like, as a youngster in today’s Hong Kong. I was humbled by a lot of younger protestors and students whose exceptional maturity are demonstrated in courtrooms and in prison. What is thought to be normal university life is completely out of the question because very likely the neighbour next door or the roommate who cooked you lunch today will be thrown to jail on the next.

I do prison visits a few times a month to talk to activists who are facing criminal charges or serving sentences for their involvement in the movement. It is not just a routine of my political work, but it becomes my life as an activist. Since the movement, prison visits has also become the daily lives of many families.

But it is always an unpleasant experience passing through the iron gates one after one to enter the visitors’ room, speaking to someone who is deprived of liberty, for a selflessly noble cause. As an activist serving three brief jail terms, I understand that the banality of the four walls is not the most difficult to endure in jail. What is more unbearable is the control of thought and ideas in every single part of our daily routine enforced by the prison system. It will diminish your ability to think critically and the worst of it will persuade you to give up on what you are fighting for, if you have not prepared it well. Three years ago when I wrote on the first page of prison letters, which later turned into a publication called the ‘Unfree Speech’, I was alarmed at the environment of the prison cell. Those letters were written in a state in which freedom was deprived of and in which censorship was obvious. It brings us to question ourselves: other than physical constraints like prison bars, what makes us continue in the fight for freedom and democracy?

Mutual Support to activists behind-the-scene

The support for this movement is undiminished over these 17 months. There are many beautiful parts in the movement that continue to revitalise the ways we contribute to this city, instead of making money on our own in the so-called global financial centre. In particular, it is the fraternity, the mutual assistance among protestors that I cherished the most.

As more protestors are arrested, people offer help and assistance wholeheartedly -- we sit in court hearings even if we don’t know each other, and do frequent prison visits and write letters to protesters in detention. In major festivals and holidays, people gathered outside the prison to chant slogans so that they won’t feel alone and disconnected. This is the most touching part to me for I also experienced life in jail.

The cohesion, the connection and bonding among protestors are the cornerstone to the movement. At the same time, these virtues gave so much empowerment to the mass public who might not be able to fight bravely in the escalating protests. These scenes are not able to be captured by cameras, but I’m sure it is some of the most important parts of Hong Kong’s movement that I hope the world will remember.

I believe this mutual support transcends nationality or territory because the value of freedom does not alter in different places. More recently, Twelve Hongkong activists, all involved in the movement last year, were kidnapped by China’s coastal guard when fleeing to Taiwan for political refugee in late-August. All of them are now detained secretly in China, with the youngest aged only 16. We suspect they are under torture during detention and we call for help on the international level, putting up #SAVE12 campaign on twitter. In fact, how surprising it is to see people all over the world standing with the dozen detained protestors for the same cause. I’m moved by activists in Italy, who barely knew these Hong Kong activists, even took part in a hunger strike last month calling for immediate release of them. This form of interconnectivity keeps us in spirit and to continue our struggle to freedom and democracy.

Understanding Value of freedom in the university battle
A year ago on this day, Hong Kong was embroiled in burning clashes as the police besieged the Polytechnic University. It was a day we will not forget and this wound is still bleeding in the hearts of many Hong Kongers. A journalist stationed in the university at that time once told me that being at the scene could only remind him of the Tiananmen Square Massacre 31 years ago in Beijing. There was basically no exit except going for the dangerous sewage drains.

That day, thousands of people, old or young, flocked to districts close to the university before dawn, trying to rescue protestors trapped inside the campus. The reinforcements faced grave danger too, for police raided every corner of the small streets and alleys, arresting a lot of them. Among the 800+ arrested on a single day, 213 people were charged with rioting. For sure these people know there will be repercussions. It is the conscience driving them to take to the streets regardless of the danger, the conscience that we should stand up to brutality and authoritarianism, and ultimately to fight for freedoms that are guaranteed in our constitution. As my dear friend, Brian Leung once said, ‘’Hong Kong Belongs to Everyone Who Shares Its Pain’’. I believe the value of freedom is exemplified through our compassion to whom we love, so much that we are willing to sacrifice the freedom of our own.

Defending freedom behind the bars

No doubt there is a terrible price to pay in standing up to the Beijing and Hong Kong government. But after serving a few brief jail sentences and facing the continuing threat of harassment, I learnt to cherish the freedom I have for now, and I shall devote every bit what I have to strive for the freedom of those who have been ruthlessly denied.

The three episodes I shared with you today -- the courtroom, visiting prisoners and the battle of university continue to remind me of the fact that the fight for freedom has not ended yet. In the coming months, I will be facing a maximum of 5 years in jail for unauthorized assembly and up to one ridiculous year for wearing a mask in protest. But prison bars would never stop me from activism and thinking critically.

I only wish that during my absence, you can continue to stand with the people of Hong Kong, by following closely to the development, no matter the ill-fated election, the large-scale arrest under National Security Law or the twelve activists in China. To defy the greatest human rights abusers is the essential way to restore democracy of our generation, and the generation following us.

．．．．．．．．．．．．．．．．．
💪小額支持我的獨家分析及文章：https://bit.ly/joshuawonghk
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推這本有深度的好書！ "Upheaval" 動盪：一個國家的轉機與危機

Jared Diamond 是一位我非常喜歡的人類學家者。他的巨作 “Guns, germs, and Steel" 《槍炮、病菌與鋼鐵》是我這輩子閱讀的前十名，而另一本“Collapse"《大崩壞》 是我2014年的 top 10。這次的書是他 “文明興亡三部曲的第三本。他用人類學家的觀點，解釋了歷史中文明的興衰，看了會讓人對於現今國家的強弱有更深的洞見。這本書也名列Bill Gates 2019 暑期推薦書籍之中。

這本書比較個人與國家，在遇見危機時，如何能成功渡過，並藉此過程中提升至下一個層次。其中他以七個國家經歷危機作為範例，至於 “成功渡過” 的幅度也略有不同。甚至有些成功渡過舊的危機，現在正被新的危機所考驗 （例如 日本）

七個國家包括：芬蘭，日本，德國，智利，印尼，澳洲，美國。

讓我比較意外的是，這本新書的總體評價不若以往的高，仔細看其實是兩極的反應。喜愛他的思路和闡述方式的人還是大有人在，但批評這本書的人很多。讀完之後我可以理解，因為這本書講到美國現在面臨的考驗，而很多在網路上批評的人覺得他在影射當今政府，或是唱衰美國。我讀起來覺得他算是很客觀用分析其他國家的架構來分析美國，並無特別的立場。但現在只要扯到政治，似乎很難不被兩極化地歸類，蠻可惜的。

他分析個人和國家類似的12項指標，能決定是否可以渡過危機甚至轉為力量：

1. Acknowledgement that one is, in fact, in a crisis 承認自己在危機中
（差別是國家的承認必須是共識，畢竟總是有人活在自己封閉的認知中）

2. Accepting one’s responsibility to do something about it
承擔責任，不是一味地受害者心態或是歸咎他人

3. Isolating the problems that need solving
釐清需要解決的問題，不是全盤推翻
（很多時候兩極化的輿論就是說要滅國了，或是個人覺得自己毫無可取之處）

4. Getting material and help from other individuals and groups
從他人或是別國得到援助

5. Using others as role models of how to solve the problems
效法其他人解決類似問題的經驗

6. Ego strength
足夠堅強的自我意識

7. Honestly self-appraising
誠實地檢視自己
（這一點二戰後的德國是表率！分享之前讀過的中文好書 “歐洲的心臟”）

8. Applying experience of previous crises
從自己過往危機處理經驗中尋找可用之處

9. Exercising patience
耐心，知道改變需要時間

10. Exercising flexibility
保持彈性，意識到問題解決的方法不只一種

11. Identifying individual core values
決定自己不能捨棄的核心價值是哪些

12. Freedom from personal constraints
減少個人限制因素
（例如，在危機中可能要減少需要為別人付的責任。國家先天地緣政治條件，如何減輕被影響的程度）

其實，任何的組織變革中，這個思考架構也很適用！

最後作者提到越來越多問題是整體人類的問題（人口，能源，氣候變遷，等等），是否還能套用這個分析架構？看似很多缺乏的條件，但作者也指出過去幾十年人類能夠屏除差異一起合作的經驗 （例如彼此爭戰幾世紀的歐洲國家們現在竟然可以組成歐盟）。但他提到，全球性問題的加劇，以及人類可以攜手合作的能力，兩者像是賽跑中的兩匹馬，還看不出來誰會超越誰。他寫作的原因是因為過去兩本書所收到的許多迴響，他相信再次提醒人們，全體面對問題，攜手解決，是他作為人類學家的責任。

幾處鏈接在部落格中👇👇👇
https://dushuyizhi.net/upheaval-%e5%8b%95%e7%9b%aa%ef%bc%9a%e4%b8%80%e5%80%8b%e5%9c%8b%e5%ae%b6%e7%9a%84%e8%bd%89%e6%a9%9f%e8%88%87%e5%8d%b1%e6%a9%9f/