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[爆卦]calculation中文是什麼？優點缺點精華區懶人包

雖然這篇calculation中文鄉民發文沒有被收入到精華區：在calculation中文這個話題中，我們另外找到其它相關的精選爆讚文章

在 calculation中文產品中有3篇Facebook貼文，粉絲數超過53萬的網紅黃之鋒 Joshua Wong，也在其Facebook貼文中提到， 【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】 ***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際...

　同時也有3部Youtube影片，追蹤數超過8,110的網紅Hokkori ouchi-gohan，也在其Youtube影片中提到，Daikon radish and ground meat with curry. 【英語吹き替え版/Dubbed in English.】Keema Curry style. ⁡ ✅日本語版はこちら(Original ver.↓) ⁡https://youtu.be/SQ_ybvVxFrk ⁡ ✼...

「calculation中文」的推薦目錄

calculation中文 在 Herman Yeung Instagram 的最佳解答

2020-05-02 09:41:53

各位同學大家好，今次出 post 主要係講兩件事 (一) 9月24日為中秋佳節，我同牛牛亦有感好耐無做直播，想睇下大家有無興趣中秋佳節，直播吹水。 (二) DSE Chem 繼早前出多左 2 個 chapter (Chapter 8 Chemical reactions & energy 化學反...

calculation中文 在 Herman Yeung Instagram 的最佳貼文

2020-05-02 09:22:21

考完數學的同學可以向下一科進發 我地的 YouTube Channel 有以下的科目的資源 自己搵食 Chem : https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLzDe9mOi1K8pxOxvVaCYQcTgl4jOOgc5c (Chem 早兩日拍多左個 chemi...

  • 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong

    calculation中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答

    2020-04-08 18:22:53
    有 400 人按讚

    【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

    ***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

    中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

    Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

    In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

    The possibility of realizing legislative majority

    Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

    The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

    Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

    Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

    Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

    To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

    While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

    Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

    Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

    Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

    What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

    Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

    The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

    Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

    Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

    Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

    The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

    All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

    https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

  • Herman Yeung

    calculation中文 在 Herman Yeung Facebook 的最佳解答

    2018-09-05 19:53:04
    有 63 人按讚


    各位同學大家好，今次出 post 主要係講兩件事
    (一) 9月24日為中秋佳節，我同牛牛亦有感好耐無做直播，想睇下大家有無興趣中秋佳節，直播吹水。

    (二) DSE Chem 繼早前出多左 2 個 chapter
    (Chapter 8 Chemical reactions & energy 化學反應和能量)
    (Chapter 10 Chemical Equilibrium 化學平衡) 後
    而家預備緊
    Chapter 4 Acid & Alkaline 酸鹼 呢課的內容
    內容包括
    4a. Acid 酸
    4b. Alkaline 鹼
    4c. Excess alkali redissolve ppt 過量鹼將沉澱物再溶解
    4d. Calculation : liquid state 計數 之 液體狀態
    4e. Diluting concentrated acid 稀釋濃酸
    4f. Strong vs. weak acid / alkaline, conc vs. dilute acid / alkaline 強 vs. 弱 酸/鹼、濃 vs. 稀 酸/鹼
    4g. Basicity of acid 酸的鹽基度
    4h. pH value pH值
    4i. Acid-alkali indicator 酸鹼指示劑
    4j. Neutralization 中和作用
    4k. Titration 滴定法
    4l. Hydrogen chloride 氯化氫
    呢個 topic 之前拍過部分，但正如我之前所講
    為希望提升影片質素
    我會放棄舊有的片，重新拍過
    而呢個 topic 涉及的題目比較多
    亦好多要時間慢慢翻譯做中文及其他預備工作
    所以希望可以9月尾完成
    一如以往，屆時片係免費收看、筆記係免費下載
    講出黎係俾壓我自己，始終適當的壓力都係一種推動力
    希望未來製成品可以幫到大家啦
    講左咁耐，可能大家以為我係一個化學老師
    其實我係主要教 數學 Core, M1, M2
    Chem, Econ, BAFS, Phy 果 d 係業餘拍攝
    所以各界高手發現我地有咩可以改進
    希望可以多多提點，小弟先行謝過 :)
    ----------------------------
    HKDSE Mathematics 數學天書 訂購詳情及表格:http://goo.gl/forms/NgqVAfMVB9
    ----------------------------------------------------
    HKDSE 數學 Core 各天書 的內容: https://www.facebook.com/…/a.312736375489…/933817946714461/…

    HKDSE 數學 Core 特別快車班
    28堂 (共7本天書) 完成整個 HKDSE 數學 Core (中一至中六) 要考的所有課題，
    適合任何考 HKDSE 的同學上課 (中四至中六都合適)
    (p.s. Herman Yeung 所有天書，中英對照)
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  • Herman Yeung

    calculation中文 在 Herman Yeung Facebook 的最讚貼文

    2017-04-10 16:07:37
    有 88 人按讚


    考完數學的同學可以向下一科進發
    我地的 YouTube Channel 有以下的科目的資源
    自己搵食
    Chem : https://www.youtube.com/playlist…
    (Chem 早兩日拍多左個 chemistry calculation chapter (第217條片開始))

    M1: https://www.youtube.com/playlist…

    M2 : https://www.youtube.com/playlist…

    Econ : https://www.youtube.com/playlist…

    Phy : https://www.youtube.com/playlist…

    BAFS : https://www.youtube.com/playlist…

    上年 econ 同埋 bafs 都有一個幾十分鐘迅速背野 version
    Econ : https://www.youtube.com/playlist…
    BAFS : https://www.youtube.com/playlist…

    希望呢 d 資料可以幫到手

    另外，求蛋卷!! 求蛋卷!! 求蛋卷!! 求蛋卷!! 求蛋卷!! 求蛋卷!! 求蛋卷!! 求蛋卷!! 求蛋卷!! 求蛋卷!! 求蛋卷!! 求蛋卷!! 求蛋卷!! 求蛋卷!! 求蛋卷!! 求蛋卷!! 求蛋卷!! 求蛋卷!! 求蛋卷!! 求蛋卷!! 求蛋卷!! 求蛋卷!!

    我地而家有英文 version 數學科蛋卷2
    當欠 英文 version 數學科蛋卷1
    中文 version 數學科蛋卷1
    中文 version 數學科蛋卷2

    跪求各位賜蛋卷給小弟，萬分感激，萬分感激

    同埋好多人問條蛋卷今年易唔易食，
    我咬幾多啖先有 level 5
    其實我覺得，您地準備食下一科好過
    去食自助餐，目標係盡食
    而唔係對上一啖的生蠔再三回味、討論
    諗得黎不如食多兩碟啦，加油

    (圖片來源︰地球)

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