火箭109-117湖人 , 湖人把系列賽追平!

第一節為什麼火箭會嚴重落後? 因為Westbrook積極出手不進，積極傳球造成失誤，讓湖人打出節奏，落後16分。
第三節如何追回來的? Westbrook只往禁區鑽，認真抓籃板，還有在板凳上加油。火箭把落後22分追回反倒領先5分。在第三節結束前進攻犯規，5犯。
第四節火箭如何落後? 火箭教練團再次把Westbrook放到場上。湖人放心包夾Harden還有其他人，放Westbrook投超級空檔大三分肉包，還有當他切入時擋他傳球路線。加上已經五犯，防守端湖人利用火箭換防隊對位對上Westbrook. Westbrook不想犯滿，無法積極防守。對手吃免錢。比數就這樣拉開。

Give Lakers credits. 他們落後以後沒有放棄，抓緊了Westbrook送上門的機會狂打猛打。火箭本來就不是擅長打第四節關門，再加上一個烙賽Westbrook, 教練沒有那個LP在需要追分時換上今天表現極佳的D.House (13 pt, 5/10 FG), 輸了活該。

Final stats line: Westbrook
32 min, 10 pt, 4/15 FG, 1/7 3pt, 13 rb, 4 ast, 7 TO, -14.

其他先發 +/- 全部都是正的。PJ Tucker還+18.

恭喜湖人!

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火箭 92 – 90 湖人 End of 3Q

湖人最不願意看到的事情發生了: Westbrook稍稍冷靜，保持對於禁區積極，但是減少了外線出手。D’Antoni也把球的決定權交給Harden, 大量了降低火箭的失誤。火箭打5-out收到了效果，第三節狂下三分雨，把21分落後追到一度領先5分。

原本上半場燙到不行的湖人下半場也冷卻了一點。湖人利用 “delay double” 包夾 AD 和 LBJ ，在他們看起來要發動攻擊，開始運球切入的那時刻包，收到了極佳的效果。LBJ和AD離籃框越來越遠，命中率也隨之下降。對於Rondo, 火箭擺出 “Lu Dort” 防守陣容，完全放他投。

Good defense turns into good offense. Good offense gives you aggressive defense. 在這節很明顯可以在火箭與湖人身上看到強烈的對比。

第三節結束前Westbrook 進攻犯規領到第五犯。D’Antoni繼續把他留在場上。這個五犯對於火箭來說是個問題還是隱藏的祝福 (blessing in disguise)?

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火箭51-67湖人 半場

第二節火箭終於把螺絲鎖緊了。但是兩位無法控制只是正常能量傷害的選手怎麼辦?

Westbrook: 1/8, 2 pt, 4 TO, -20
Rivers: 0/2, 2 TO, -18

在這兩個火箭都不在場上時，火箭用標記的三分雨把20分以上的差距拉到只剩下個位數。然後Westbrook換下今天狀況奇佳的D.House Jr. (11 pt)，所有的努力立刻在他所有的失誤和打鐵 (有的還肉包) 消失。

火箭小人物最害怕的噩夢莫過如此。無解。

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火箭 20 – 36 湖人 End of 1Q

湖人的積極度和能量和G1差太多了。他們利用非常快的節奏和短傳，讓火箭的防守一直沒進入”防守的節奏”，看起來一直在追逐湖人跑。而且今天也有積極往籃板衝，抓到一些第二次機會。

相反的，Harden主導的進攻節奏沒有像G1那樣的快速，反而很多慢慢散步過半場讓湖人防守setup的情況。雖然火箭還是有做出非常多次三分球，但是切入後傳球的習性實在太好預測，被已經setup好的湖人防守非常多次，第一節就已經5次失誤。

最後就是Rondo的穿針引線，在第一節已經送出6次助攻 (Morris 4/4三分)，加上防守端 “站在正確的位置攔截球” 就有三次抄截。

明顯的火箭的進攻已經完全落入湖人的防守計畫中，第二節看D’Antoni如何調整。
#至少不要散步好嗎

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湖人火箭第二戰。

火箭第一場的亮點絕對是 Westbrook帶給火箭防守端的能量，九個籃板全隊最高，還有+15的+/-值。雖然命中率跟失誤還是很不理想，但是對於才剛結束跟雷霆鑿戰七場的火箭隊來說，Westbrook提供的能量絕對是第一場能贏過湖人的關鍵。另一個值得關注的是對 Anthony Davis的防守，火箭基本上在面對 AD的 post-up或 iso的策略是保持絕對不包夾，讓任何跟 AD對位的球員（主要是 P.J Tucker），在 AD拿到球之前就透過站前防守、推擠他的位置不要讓 AD在他喜歡的位置拿球，或者逼他用他最沒效率的低位單打（0.9 ppp in regular season）得分。而目前這樣的策略奏效的原因是這樣的一對一低位單打會讓湖人的半場進攻變得呆滯，沒有人空切，沒有弱邊掩護，只要火箭不幫忙不包夾，其他人就不會有空檔。

湖人第一場暴露出來的幾個問題則是，第一，進攻時的活球失誤（live ball turnover）太多，第一場湖人的 17次失誤裡總共有 13次活球失誤，意思就是直接多給了 13次火箭快供或早攻的機會，而火箭也透過這 13次拿下了 27分！！！第二是，上半場讓 Harden罰了 11球。雖然下半場 Harden只罰了一球，但是上半場這 11球大概就是上半場分數的差距。第三是，Kuzma得要提升他的防守專注度或賽前準備，他在這個系列賽得要守 Harden, Westbrook跟 Gordon，三個都絕對是不好守而且需要不同策略的球員，但是 Kuzma第一場有太多直接在 open court或從三分線直接被切過的畫面，這樣間接造成的局部多打少就會更暴露湖人內線長人補防速度較慢的弱點。第四是 AD只罰了四球。這當然要歸功給火箭的防守逼 AD選擇跳投出手或者干擾但是不犯規，但是 AD一定要能夠在更好更深的位置拿到球，或者用自己的能力更接近籃筐出手，才有可能造成火箭防守上的壓力，逼火箭要幫忙或者內縮，而罰球數是一個指標。第五，11-38的三分球是幫不了 LBJ跟 AD的。

#nbaplayoffs #littleguylayup #小人物上籃 #lakers #rockets #LBJ #AD #thebeard #beastbrook #龜龜 #鬍子

【對華政策的範式轉移】絕對是歷史性講話.
#成萬字 #萬言書 #頹譯都譯死人

----小弟頹譯------
蓬佩奧：謝謝。謝謝你們。州長，您的慷慨介紹。的確是這樣：當您在那個體育館裡散步時，說出“蓬佩奧”的名字，人們就會耳語。因為，我有一個兄弟，Mark，他是一個非常好，一位非常出色的籃球運動員。

請為藍鷹榮譽衛隊（Blue Eagles Honor Guard）及飛行員Kayla Highsmith下士對國歌的精彩演繹給多一次掌聲如何？ （掌聲）

也要感謝Laurie牧師那動人的祈禱，我還要感謝Hugh Hewitt和尼克遜基金會的邀請讓我在這個重要的美國機構發言。很高興能受空軍人員演唱，由海軍陸戰隊介紹，讓個一個陸軍傢伙站在海軍傢伙的房子前面。 （笑聲）（按蓬佩奧曾在美國陸軍服役 ）一切都很好。

很榮幸來到Yorba Linda，尼克遜的父親在那裡建立了他出生和成長的房屋。

在這困難時刻，使今天成為可能的尼克遜中心董事會和工作人員，感謝，感謝我和我的團隊使這一天成為可能。

我們很幸運能在觀眾中見到一些特別的嘉賓，包括我認識的Chris Nixon (尼克遜的孫，Christopher Nixon Cox)。我還要感謝Tricia Nixon和Julie Nixon Eisenhower　（尼克遜兩位女兒）對這次訪問的支持。

我還想提一提幾位勇敢的中國持不同政見者，他們長途跋涉並出席。其他尊貴的客人-（掌聲）-尊貴的客人，謝謝您的光臨。那些在帳篷下的人，您們必須支付額外的費用（笑）。

以及那些正在觀看直播的人，感謝您的收看。

最後，正如州長所說，我在Santa Ana出生，離這裡不遠。今天有我的姐姐和她的丈夫在聽眾中。謝謝大家的光臨。我敢打賭，您從沒想過我會站在這裡。

我今天的講話是我在一系列中國演講中的第四組講話，我請國家安全顧問Robert O’Brien，聯邦調查局局長Chris Wray和司法部長Barr陪同我發言。

我們有一個非常明確的目標，一個實在的任務。這是在解釋美國與中國關係的不同方面，數十年來這種關係中出現的巨大失衡以及中國共產黨所計劃的霸權。

我們的目標是明確指出，特朗普總統的中國政策正在解決的對美國人的威脅是明顯的，並且我們正確立保障自由的戰略。Robert O’Brien談到了意識形態。聯邦調查局局長Wray談到了間諜活動。司法部長Barr談到了經濟學。現在，我今天的目標是將這一切匯總給美國人民，並詳細說明中國的威脅對我們的經濟，我們的自由，乃至全球自由民主國家的未來的衝擊。

自基辛格（Kissinger）博士秘密訪問中國以來，到明年已經過去了半個世紀，而尼克松總統訪華50週年也就在2022年。

那時世界大不一樣了。

我們以為與中國交往（engagement）將創造一個帶有友好合作前景的美好未來。

但是今天—今天我們仍然戴著口罩，看著疫性的死亡人數仍在增加，因為中共對世界的承諾沒有兌現。我們每天早上都在讀到鎮壓香港和新疆的新聞消息。

我們看到的中國貿易濫用行為的驚人數字使美國失去了工作，並給整個美國經濟帶來了沉重打擊，包括南加州。而且我們正在看著一支越來越強大，甚至更具威脅性的中國軍隊。

從加利福尼亞州到我的家鄉堪薩斯州以及其他地區，我都有著與美國人心中的疑問：從與中國交往至今，美國人民這50年見到了什麼？

領袖們曾說過的中國邁向自由與民主發展的理論是否正確？

這是中國對 "雙贏" 局面的定義嗎？

實際上，從國務卿的角度來看，美國更安全嗎？我們是否有更大的可能為我們自己實現和平，並為我們之後的子孫後代享有和平？

看，我們必須承認一個硬道理。我們必須承認一個硬道理，它將指導我們在未來幾十年中發展，如果我們要擁有一個自由的21世紀，而不是習近平夢想的中國世紀，那麼與中國盲目交往的舊範式坦白說是沒有贏的機會。我們決不能在此繼續，也絕不能重返。

正如特朗普總統已明確指出的那樣，我們需要一項保護美國經濟乃至我們生活方式的戰略。自由世界必須戰勝這一新的暴政。 The free world must triumph over this new tyranny.

現在，在我似乎不太希望拆除尼克遜總統的遺產之前，我想明確地說，他做了當時他認為最適合美國人民的事情，而且他很可能是對的。

他是中國的傑出學生，冷酷的勇士和中國人民的偉大仰慕者，正如我們一樣。

他意識到中國太重要而不能忽視，即使國力由於自身的共產主義野蠻行為而被削弱。這值得尼克遜給予極大的讚譽。

1967年，尼克遜在一篇非常著名的外交事務文章中解釋了他的未來戰略。

他的話是這樣的：他說：“從長遠來看，我們根本無法永遠把中國留在國際大家庭之外……在中國改變之前，世界不會安全。因此，我們的目標是 —在可能的範圍內，我們必須作出影響，而我們的目標應該是促使改變。”

我認為這是整篇文章中的關鍵詞：“促使改變”。

因此，在歷史性的北京之行中，尼克遜總統開始了我們的交住戰略。他崇高地尋求一個更自由，更安全的世界，並希望中國共產黨能兌現這一承諾。

隨著時間的流逝，美國決策者越來越多地認為，隨著中國變得更加繁榮，它將會對外開放，它會在國內變得更加自由，而實際上在國外所面臨的威脅卻越來越小，它將變得更加友好。這一切似乎都是不可避免的。

但是那個必然的時代已經過去了。我們一直在進行的這種交往並沒有帶來尼克遜總統希望所引起的中國內部的變化。事實是，我們的政策以及其他自由國家的政策使中國經濟從衰落得以恢復，但北京反咬了養活它的國際力量。

我們曾向中國公民張開雙臂，只是看到中國共產黨利用我們的自由開放社會。中國派宣傳員參加了我們的新聞發布會，研究中心，高中，大學，甚至參加了家長教師會議。

我們將台灣的朋友邊緣化，後來台灣蓬勃發展為積極的民主國家。

我們給中國共產黨和政權本身以特殊的經濟待遇，只是看到中共堅持以對其人權侵犯保持沉默作為讓西方公司進入中國市場的代價。

前一天，Robert O’Brien大使舉了幾個例子：萬豪，美國航空，達美航空，聯合航空都從其公司網站上刪除了對台灣的提及，以免激怒北京。在荷里活，這裏的不遠處，距離美國創作自由的中心和自命為社會正義的仲裁者，他們的自我審查可說是對中國發展最不利的參考。

公司對CCP的默許也發生在世界各地。

這種企業忠誠度如何運作？奉承會得到獎勵嗎？讓我引述Barr總檢察長在講話。他在上週的一次演講中說：“中國統治者的最終野心不是與美國進行貿易。是要略奪美國。”

中國剝奪了我們寶貴的知識產權和商業機密，損失了在美國各地了數百萬個就業機會。它從美國吸走了供應鏈，然後添加了一個由奴隸制度製成的小工具。

它使世界上主要的水路對國際貿易而言變得不那麼安全。

尼克遜總統曾經說過，他擔心自己通過向中共開放世界而創造了一個“科學怪人”，這正是如此。

現在，有誠信的人可以辯論為什麼自由國家允許這些年來，這些不好的事情發生。也許我們對中國的惡毒的共產主義幼稚，或者在我們在冷戰勝利後變得自大，或者軟弱的資本主義者被北京所說的“和平崛起”所愚昧。

無論出於何種原因—無論出於何種原因，今天的中國在國內都越來越專制，並開始對其他地方的自由作出干預。

特朗普總統說：夠了。

我不認為兩派的人對我今天所說的事實提出異議。但是即使到現在，也有人堅持認為，為了對話而對話。

現在，要明確地說，我們將繼續討論。但是這些對話的意義是不同的。幾週前，我去了檀香山，與楊潔篪見面。

這是同樣的古老故事—說了很多話，但實際上沒有任何改變任何行為的提議。

楊的承諾，就像中共在他面前做出的許多承諾一樣，都是空洞的。我想，他的期望是我會屈服於他們的要求，因為坦率地說，這是許多前任政府所做的。我沒有，特朗普總統也不會。正如O’Brien很好地解釋的那樣，我們必須記住，中共政權是馬克思列寧主義政權。習近平堅信這已破產的極權主義思想。

正是這種意識形態，正是這種意識形態反映了他數十年來對全球共產主義中國霸權的渴望。美國再也不能忽視我們兩國之間的根本政治和意識形態差異，就像中共從來沒有忽視它們一樣。

以我在眾議院情報委員會，然後擔任中央情報局局長，以及擔任美國國務卿兩年多的經驗，使我對這種中央理解成為可能：

唯一的方式　—　真正改變共產主義中國的唯一方法，不是對中國領導人聽其言，而是觀其行。您會看到美國政策對此結論做出了回應。列根總統說，他是在“信任但要核實”的基礎上與蘇聯打交道的。關於中共，我說我們必須＂不信任和核查＂。 （掌聲）

我們，世界上熱愛自由的國家，必須像尼克遜總統所希望的那樣，促使中國發生變化。我們必須促使中國以更具創造性和果斷性的方式進行變革，因為北京的行動威脅著我們的人民和我們的繁榮。

我們必須首先改變我們的人民和我們的伙伴對中國共產黨的看法。我們必須說實話。我們不能像其他任何國家一樣，把這個假象視為正常國家。

我們知道，與中國進行貿易不像與一個正常的，遵守法律的國家進行貿易。北京威脅將國際協議視為—將協議視為建議，以作為主導全球的渠道。

但是，通過堅持公平條款，就像我們的貿易代表在獲得第一階段貿易協議時所做的那樣，我們可以迫使中國考慮其知識產權盜竊和損害美國工人的政策。

我們也知道，與擁有CCP支持的公司開展業務與與一家加拿大公司開展業務不同。他們不回答獨立委員會的問題，而且其中許多是由國家贊助的，因此無需追求利潤。

華為就是一個很好的例子。我們不再假裝華為是一家無辜的電信公司，它的出現是為了確保您可以和朋友聊天。我們稱其為真正的國家安全威脅，並為採取了相應的行動。

我們也知道，如果我們的公司在中國投資，他們可能會有意或無意地支持共產黨嚴重侵犯人權的行為。

因此，我們的美國財政部和商務部已批准並將那些危害和濫用世界人民最基本權利的中國領導人和實體列入黑名單。多個部門已就商業諮詢機構合作，以確保我們的CEO了解其供應鏈在中國境內的工作。

我們也知道，我們也知道並非所有的中國學生和僱員都只是來這裡賺錢和積累一些知識的普通學生和工人。他們太多人來這裡竊取我們的知識產權並將其帶回自己的國家。司法部和其他機構已對這些罪行進行了嚴厲的懲罰。

我們知道，解放軍也不是正規軍。其目的是維護中國共產黨精英的絕對統治，擴大中國帝國，而不是保護中國人民。

因此，美國國防部加大了工作力度，擴大了在東，南海以及台灣海峽以及整個海峽的航行操作自由。我們還建立了一支太空部隊，以幫助阻止中國對這一最後邊界的侵略。

同樣，坦率地說，我們在美國國務院制定了一套與中國打交道的新政策，推動特朗普總統實現公正與互惠的目標，以改寫幾十年來不斷加劇的失衡。

就在本週，我們宣布關閉在休斯敦的中國領事館，因為它是間諜和知識產權盜竊的樞紐。 （掌聲）

兩週前，我們在南中國海扭轉了過去八年忽略的國際法權益。

我們呼籲中國限制其核能力以適應當今時代的戰略現實。

國務院- 在世界各地，各個層面- 都與中國同行進行了交流，只是要求公平和互惠。

但是我們的方法不只是要變得強硬。那不可能達到我們想要的結果。我們還必須與中國人民互動並賦予他們權力，他們是一個充滿活力，熱愛自由的人民，他們與中國共產黨完全不同。首先是面對面的外交。 （掌聲）

無論我走到哪裡，我都遇到了有才華和勤奮的中國人。我遇過逃離新疆集中營的維吾爾族和哈薩克族。我曾與香港的民主領袖進行了交談，有陳日君樞機到黎智英。兩天前，我在倫敦會見了香港自由戰士羅冠聰。

上個月在我的辦公室裡，我聽到了天安門廣場倖存者的故事。其中之一今天在這裡。王丹是一名關鍵學生，他從未停止為中國人民爭取自由。王先生，請您站起來，以便我們見到您嗎？ （掌聲）

今天與我們同在的還有中國民主運動之父魏京生。他在中國的勞改營度過了幾十年的時間。魏先生，你能站起來嗎？ （掌聲）

我成長及服役於冷戰時期。如果我學到一件事，共產黨人幾乎總是撒謊。他們告訴我們的最大謊言是，他們認為自己能代表14億被監視，壓迫和害怕說出來的人。

恰恰相反。中共比任何敵人都更擔心中國人民的誠實觀點，失去對權力的控制。

試想一下，如果我們能夠從武漢的醫生那裡聽到他們的來信，並且允許他們對新疫病的爆發發出警報，那麼世界會變得更好—更不用說中國內部的人了。

幾十年來，我們的領袖一直無視，淡化勇敢的中國異見者的話，他們警告過我們所面對之政權。

我們不能再忽略它了。他們與任何人一樣知道我們永遠無法回到現狀。

但是改變中共的舉動並不單單是中國人民的使命。自由國家必須努力捍衛自由。這不是簡單的事情。

但是我有信心我們可以做到。我有信心，因為我們以前做過。我們知道這是怎麼回事。我有信心，因為中共正在重複蘇聯犯下的一些同樣的錯誤-疏遠潛在的盟友，破壞國內外的信任，拒絕財產權和法治。

我有信心。我之所以有信心，是因為我看到其他國家之間的覺醒，他們知道我們無法回到過去，美國亦如是。我從布魯塞爾，悉尼到河內都聽說過。

最重要的是，我相信我們可以捍衛自由，因為自由本身是漂亮的。

看看香港人因中共加強對這個驕傲城市的控制，要移居海外。他們揮舞著美國國旗。

是的，確實有差異。與蘇聯不同，中國已深入融入全球經濟。但是，北京對我們依賴，甚於我們依賴他們。 （掌聲）

瞧，我拒絕相信我們生活在一個不可避免中國的時代，某些陷阱（按：修昔底德陷阱）是預設的，中共至上是未來。我們的方法不是注定失敗的，因為美國正在衰落。正如我在今年早些時候在慕尼黑說的那樣，自由世界仍在勝利的一方。我們只需要相信它，就明白它並為此感到自豪。來自世界各地的人們仍然希望加入開放社會。他們來到這裡學習，來到這里工作，來到這里為家人謀生。他們並不想留在中國。

是時候了。今天很高興來到這裡。這是完美的時機。現在是自由國家採取行動的時候了。並非每個國家都將以同樣的方式對待中國，也不應該。每個國家都必須對如何保護自己的主權，如何保護自己的經濟繁榮以及如何保護自己的理想不受中國共產黨的觸碰而有所了解。

但是我呼籲每個國家的每一個領導人—如美國所先行的—簡單地堅持互惠，堅持中國共產黨的透明度和問責制。

這些簡單而強大的標準將取得很大的成就。太長時間了，我們讓中共制定交往條款，但不再這樣做。自由國家必須定下基調。

我們必須遵循相同的原則。我們必須在沙子上劃出共同的界線，而這不能被中共的討價還價或他們的野蠻沖走。確實，這就是美國最近所做的事情，因為我們一勞永逸地拒絕了中國在南中國海的非法主張，因為我們已敦促各國成為廉潔國家，以免其公民的私人信息落在手裡中國共產黨。我們通過制定標準來做到這一點。

現在，這確實很困難。對於一些小國家來說很難。他們害怕被人欺負。因此，其中一些人根本沒有能力，沒有勇氣暫時與我們站在一起。的確，我們與北約的盟友並未以其對香港的立場站起來，因為他們擔心北京會限制中國市場的准入。這種膽怯會導致歷史性的失敗，我們無法重複。

我們不能重複過去幾年的錯誤。中國面臨的挑戰要求民主國家發揮作用和精力，民主國家包括歐洲，非洲，南美，尤其是印度太平洋地區。

而且，如果我們現在不採取行動，那麼中共最終將侵蝕我們的自由，並顛覆我們的社會努力建立的基於法規的秩序。如果我們現在屈膝，我們孩子的孩子可能會受到中國共產黨的擺佈，中國共產黨的行動是當今自由世界中的主要挑戰。

習近平總書記註定不會永遠在中國內外施暴，除非我們允許

現在，這與圍堵無關。不要相信這策略。這是我們從未遇到過的複雜的新挑戰。蘇聯與自由世界隔絕了。共產主義中國已經在我們的邊界之內。

因此，我們不能獨自面對這一挑戰。聯合國，北約，七國集團國家，二十國集團，我們的經濟，外交和軍事力量合力，如果我們清楚明確地並勇往直前，無疑足以應付這一挑戰。

也許是時候讓志趣相投的國家組成一個新的團體，一個新的民主國家聯盟了。

我們有工具。我知道我們可以做到。現在我們需要意志。引用聖經經文，我問“要警醒禱告，免得陷入試探。你們心靈雖然願意，肉體卻是軟弱的。”

如果自由世界沒有改變 —沒有改變，共產主義中國一定會改變我們。無法因為舒適或便利而返回到過去的做法。

確保我們脫離中國共產黨的自由是我們這個時代的使命，而美國完全有能力領導它，

因為我們的建國原則為我們提供了這一機會。正如我上週在費城站立時所看到的那樣，注視著獨立廳，我們的國家建立在所有人類都擁有不可剝奪的某些權利的前提下。

確保這些權利是我們政府的工作。這是一個簡單而有力的真理。它使我們成為全世界人民的自由燈塔，包括中國境內的人。

確實，尼克遜在1967年寫道“除非中國改變，否則世界是不安全的”是正確的。現在我們該聽他的話了。

今天的危機已經明確了。

今天，覺醒正在發生。

今天，自由世界必須作出回應。

我們永遠無法回到過去。

願上帝保佑你們每個人。

願上帝保佑中國人民。＇

願上帝保佑美利堅合眾國人民。

謝謝你們。（掌聲）

Thank you. Thank you all. Thank you, Governor, for that very, very generous introduction. It is true: When you walk in that gym and you say the name “Pompeo,” there is a whisper. I had a brother, Mark, who was really good – a really good basketball player.
And how about another round of applause for the Blue Eagles Honor Guard and Senior Airman Kayla Highsmith, and her wonderful rendition of the national anthem? (Applause.)
Thank you, too, to Pastor Laurie for that moving prayer, and I want to thank Hugh Hewitt and the Nixon Foundation for your invitation to speak at this important American institution. It was great to be sung to by an Air Force person, introduced by a Marine, and they let the Army guy in in front of the Navy guy’s house. (Laughter.) It’s all good.
It’s an honor to be here in Yorba Linda, where Nixon’s father built the house in which he was born and raised.
To all the Nixon Center board and staff who made today possible – it’s difficult in these times – thanks for making this day possible for me and for my team.
We are blessed to have some incredibly special people in the audience, including Chris, who I’ve gotten to know – Chris Nixon. I also want to thank Tricia Nixon and Julie Nixon Eisenhower for their support of this visit as well.
I want to recognize several courageous Chinese dissidents who have joined us here today and made a long trip.
And to all the other distinguished guests – (applause) – to all the other distinguished guests, thank you for being here. For those of you who got under the tent, you must have paid extra.
And those of you watching live, thank you for tuning in.
And finally, as the governor mentioned, I was born here in Santa Ana, not very far from here. I’ve got my sister and her husband in the audience today. Thank you all for coming out. I bet you never thought that I’d be standing up here.
My remarks today are the fourth set of remarks in a series of China speeches that I asked National Security Advisor Robert O’Brien, FBI Director Chris Wray, and the Attorney General Barr to deliver alongside me.
We had a very clear purpose, a real mission. It was to explain the different facets of America’s relationship with China, the massive imbalances in that relationship that have built up over decades, and the Chinese Communist Party’s designs for hegemony.
Our goal was to make clear that the threats to Americans that President Trump’s China policy aims to address are clear and our strategy for securing those freedoms established.
Ambassador O’Brien spoke about ideology. FBI Director Wray talked about espionage. Attorney General Barr spoke about economics. And now my goal today is to put it all together for the American people and detail what the China threat means for our economy, for our liberty, and indeed for the future of free democracies around the world.
Next year marks half a century since Dr. Kissinger’s secret mission to China, and the 50th anniversary of President Nixon’s trip isn’t too far away in 2022.
The world was much different then.
We imagined engagement with China would produce a future with bright promise of comity and cooperation.
But today – today we’re all still wearing masks and watching the pandemic’s body count rise because the CCP failed in its promises to the world. We’re reading every morning new headlines of repression in Hong Kong and in Xinjiang.
We’re seeing staggering statistics of Chinese trade abuses that cost American jobs and strike enormous blows to the economies all across America, including here in southern California. And we’re watching a Chinese military that grows stronger and stronger, and indeed more menacing.
I’ll echo the questions ringing in the hearts and minds of Americans from here in California to my home state of Kansas and beyond:
What do the American people have to show now 50 years on from engagement with China?
Did the theories of our leaders that proposed a Chinese evolution towards freedom and democracy prove to be true?
Is this China’s definition of a win-win situation?
And indeed, centrally, from the Secretary of State’s perspective, is America safer? Do we have a greater likelihood of peace for ourselves and peace for the generations which will follow us?
Look, we have to admit a hard truth. We must admit a hard truth that should guide us in the years and decades to come, that if we want to have a free 21st century, and not the Chinese century of which Xi Jinping dreams, the old paradigm of blind engagement with China simply won’t get it done. We must not continue it and we must not return to it.
As President Trump has made very clear, we need a strategy that protects the American economy, and indeed our way of life. The free world must triumph over this new tyranny.
Now, before I seem too eager to tear down President Nixon’s legacy, I want to be clear that he did what he believed was best for the American people at the time, and he may well have been right.
He was a brilliant student of China, a fierce cold warrior, and a tremendous admirer of the Chinese people, just as I think we all are.
He deserves enormous credit for realizing that China was too important to be ignored, even when the nation was weakened because of its own self-inflicted communist brutality.
In 1967, in a very famous Foreign Affairs article, Nixon explained his future strategy. Here’s what he said:
He said, “Taking the long view, we simply cannot afford to leave China forever outside of the family of nations…The world cannot be safe until China changes. Thus, our aim – to the extent we can, we must influence events. Our goal should be to induce change.”
And I think that’s the key phrase from the entire article: “to induce change.”
So, with that historic trip to Beijing, President Nixon kicked off our engagement strategy. He nobly sought a freer and safer world, and he hoped that the Chinese Communist Party would return that commitment.
As time went on, American policymakers increasingly presumed that as China became more prosperous, it would open up, it would become freer at home, and indeed present less of a threat abroad, it’d be friendlier. It all seemed, I am sure, so inevitable.
But that age of inevitability is over. The kind of engagement we have been pursuing has not brought the kind of change inside of China that President Nixon had hoped to induce.
The truth is that our policies – and those of other free nations – resurrected China’s failing economy, only to see Beijing bite the international hands that were feeding it.
We opened our arms to Chinese citizens, only to see the Chinese Communist Party exploit our free and open society. China sent propagandists into our press conferences, our research centers, our high-schools, our colleges, and even into our PTA meetings.
We marginalized our friends in Taiwan, which later blossomed into a vigorous democracy.
We gave the Chinese Communist Party and the regime itself special economic treatment, only to see the CCP insist on silence over its human rights abuses as the price of admission for Western companies entering China.
Ambassador O’Brien ticked off a few examples just the other day: Marriott, American Airlines, Delta, United all removed references to Taiwan from their corporate websites, so as not to anger Beijing.
In Hollywood, not too far from here – the epicenter of American creative freedom, and self-appointed arbiters of social justice – self-censors even the most mildly unfavorable reference to China.
This corporate acquiescence to the CCP happens all over the world, too.
And how has this corporate fealty worked? Is its flattery rewarded? I’ll give you a quote from the speech that General Barr gave, Attorney General Barr. In a speech last week, he said that “The ultimate ambition of China’s rulers isn’t to trade with the United States. It is to raid the United States.”
China ripped off our prized intellectual property and trade secrets, causing millions of jobs[1] all across America.
It sucked supply chains away from America, and then added a widget made of slave labor.
It made the world’s key waterways less safe for international commerce.
President Nixon once said he feared he had created a “Frankenstein” by opening the world to the CCP, and here we are.
Now, people of good faith can debate why free nations allowed these bad things to happen for all these years. Perhaps we were naive about China’s virulent strain of communism, or triumphalist after our victory in the Cold War, or cravenly capitalist, or hoodwinked by Beijing’s talk of a “peaceful rise.”
Whatever the reason – whatever the reason, today China is increasingly authoritarian at home, and more aggressive in its hostility to freedom everywhere else.
And President Trump has said: enough.
I don’t think many people on either side of the aisle dispute the facts that I have laid out today. But even now, some are insisting that we preserve the model of dialogue for dialogue’s sake.
Now, to be clear, we’ll keep on talking. But the conversations are different these days. I traveled to Honolulu now just a few weeks back to meet with Yang Jiechi.
It was the same old story – plenty of words, but literally no offer to change any of the behaviors.
Yang’s promises, like so many the CCP made before him, were empty. His expectations, I surmise, were that I’d cave to their demands, because frankly this is what too many prior administrations have done. I didn’t, and President Trump will not either.
As Ambassador O’Brien explained so well, we have to keep in mind that the CCP regime is a Marxist-Leninist regime. General Secretary Xi Jinping is a true believer in a bankrupt totalitarian ideology.
It’s this ideology, it’s this ideology that informs his decades-long desire for global hegemony of Chinese communism. America can no longer ignore the fundamental political and ideological differences between our countries, just as the CCP has never ignored them.
My experience in the House Intelligence Committee, and then as director of the Central Intelligence Agency, and my now two-plus years as America’s Secretary of State have led me to this central understanding:
That the only way – the only way to truly change communist China is to act not on the basis of what Chinese leaders say, but how they behave. And you can see American policy responding to this conclusion. President Reagan said that he dealt with the Soviet Union on the basis of “trust but verify.” When it comes to the CCP, I say we must distrust and verify. (Applause.)
We, the freedom-loving nations of the world, must induce China to change, just as President Nixon wanted. We must induce China to change in more creative and assertive ways, because Beijing’s actions threaten our people and our prosperity.
We must start by changing how our people and our partners perceive the Chinese Communist Party. We have to tell the truth. We can’t treat this incarnation of China as a normal country, just like any other.
We know that trading with China is not like trading with a normal, law-abiding nation. Beijing threatens international agreements as – treats international suggestions as – or agreements as suggestions, as conduits for global dominance.
But by insisting on fair terms, as our trade representative did when he secured our phase one trade deal, we can force China to reckon with its intellectual property theft and policies that harmed American workers.
We know too that doing business with a CCP-backed company is not the same as doing business with, say, a Canadian company. They don’t answer to independent boards, and many of them are state-sponsored and so have no need to pursue profits.
A good example is Huawei. We stopped pretending Huawei is an innocent telecommunications company that’s just showing up to make sure you can talk to your friends. We’ve called it what it is – a true national security threat – and we’ve taken action accordingly.
We know too that if our companies invest in China, they may wittingly or unwittingly support the Communist Party’s gross human rights violations.
Our Departments of Treasury and Commerce have thus sanctioned and blacklisted Chinese leaders and entities that are harming and abusing the most basic rights for people all across the world. Several agencies have worked together on a business advisory to make certain our CEOs are informed of how their supply chains are behaving inside of China.
We know too, we know too that not all Chinese students and employees are just normal students and workers that are coming here to make a little bit of money and to garner themselves some knowledge. Too many of them come here to steal our intellectual property and to take this back to their country.
The Department of Justice and other agencies have vigorously pursued punishment for these crimes.
We know that the People’s Liberation Army is not a normal army, too. Its purpose is to uphold the absolute rule of the Chinese Communist Party elites and expand a Chinese empire, not to protect the Chinese people.
And so our Department of Defense has ramped up its efforts, freedom of navigation operations out and throughout the East and South China Seas, and in the Taiwan Strait as well. And we’ve created a Space Force to help deter China from aggression on that final frontier.
And so too, frankly, we’ve built out a new set of policies at the State Department dealing with China, pushing President Trump’s goals for fairness and reciprocity, to rewrite the imbalances that have grown over decades.
Just this week, we announced the closure of the Chinese consulate in Houston because it was a hub of spying and intellectual property theft. (Applause.)
We reversed, two weeks ago, eight years of cheek-turning with respect to international law in the South China Sea.
We’ve called on China to conform its nuclear capabilities to the strategic realities of our time.
And the State Department – at every level, all across the world – has engaged with our Chinese counterparts simply to demand fairness and reciprocity.
But our approach can’t just be about getting tough. That’s unlikely to achieve the outcome that we desire. We must also engage and empower the Chinese people – a dynamic, freedom-loving people who are completely distinct from the Chinese Communist Party.
That begins with in-person diplomacy. (Applause.) I’ve met Chinese men and women of great talent and diligence wherever I go.
I’ve met with Uyghurs and ethnic Kazakhs who escaped Xinjiang’s concentration camps. I’ve talked with Hong Kong’s democracy leaders, from Cardinal Zen to Jimmy Lai. Two days ago in London, I met with Hong Kong freedom fighter Nathan Law.
And last month in my office, I heard the stories of Tiananmen Square survivors. One of them is here today.
Wang Dan was a key student who has never stopped fighting for freedom for the Chinese people. Mr. Wang, will you please stand so that we may recognize you? (Applause.)
Also with us today is the father of the Chinese democracy movement, Wei Jingsheng. He spent decades in Chinese labor camps for his advocacy. Mr. Wei, will you please stand? (Applause.)
I grew up and served my time in the Army during the Cold War. And if there is one thing I learned, communists almost always lie. The biggest lie that they tell is to think that they speak for 1.4 billion people who are surveilled, oppressed, and scared to speak out.
Quite the contrary. The CCP fears the Chinese people’s honest opinions more than any foe, and save for losing their own grip on power, they have reason – no reason to.
Just think how much better off the world would be – not to mention the people inside of China – if we had been able to hear from the doctors in Wuhan and they’d been allowed to raise the alarm about the outbreak of a new and novel virus.
For too many decades, our leaders have ignored, downplayed the words of brave Chinese dissidents who warned us about the nature of the regime we’re facing.
And we can’t ignore it any longer. They know as well as anyone that we can never go back to the status quo.
But changing the CCP’s behavior cannot be the mission of the Chinese people alone. Free nations have to work to defend freedom. It’s the furthest thing from easy.
But I have faith we can do it. I have faith because we’ve done it before. We know how this goes.
I have faith because the CCP is repeating some of the same mistakes that the Soviet Union made – alienating potential allies, breaking trust at home and abroad, rejecting property rights and predictable rule of law.
I have faith. I have faith because of the awakening I see among other nations that know we can’t go back to the past in the same way that we do here in America. I’ve heard this from Brussels, to Sydney, to Hanoi.
And most of all, I have faith we can defend freedom because of the sweet appeal of freedom itself.
Look at the Hong Kongers clamoring to emigrate abroad as the CCP tightens its grip on that proud city. They wave American flags.
It’s true, there are differences. Unlike the Soviet Union, China is deeply integrated into the global economy. But Beijing is more dependent on us than we are on them. (Applause.)
Look, I reject the notion that we’re living in an age of inevitability, that some trap is pre-ordained, that CCP supremacy is the future. Our approach isn’t destined to fail because America is in decline. As I said in Munich earlier this year, the free world is still winning. We just need to believe it and know it and be proud of it. People from all over the world still want to come to open societies. They come here to study, they come here to work, they come here to build a life for their families. They’re not desperate to settle in China.
It’s time. It’s great to be here today. The timing is perfect. It’s time for free nations to act. Not every nation will approach China in the same way, nor should they. Every nation will have to come to its own understanding of how to protect its own sovereignty, how to protect its own economic prosperity, and how to protect its ideals from the tentacles of the Chinese Communist Party.
But I call on every leader of every nation to start by doing what America has done – to simply insist on reciprocity, to insist on transparency and accountability from the Chinese Communist Party. It’s a cadre of rulers that are far from homogeneous.
And these simple and powerful standards will achieve a great deal. For too long we let the CCP set the terms of engagement, but no longer. Free nations must set the tone. We must operate on the same principles.
We have to draw common lines in the sand that cannot be washed away by the CCP’s bargains or their blandishments. Indeed, this is what the United States did recently when we rejected China’s unlawful claims in the South China Sea once and for all, as we have urged countries to become Clean Countries so that their citizens’ private information doesn’t end up in the hand of the Chinese Communist Party. We did it by setting standards.
Now, it’s true, it’s difficult. It’s difficult for some small countries. They fear being picked off. Some of them for that reason simply don’t have the ability, the courage to stand with us for the moment.
Indeed, we have a NATO ally of ours that hasn’t stood up in the way that it needs to with respect to Hong Kong because they fear Beijing will restrict access to China’s market. This is the kind of timidity that will lead to historic failure, and we can’t repeat it.
We cannot repeat the mistakes of these past years. The challenge of China demands exertion, energy from democracies – those in Europe, those in Africa, those in South America, and especially those in the Indo-Pacific region.
And if we don’t act now, ultimately the CCP will erode our freedoms and subvert the rules-based order that our societies have worked so hard to build. If we bend the knee now, our children’s children may be at the mercy of the Chinese Communist Party, whose actions are the primary challenge today in the free world.
General Secretary Xi is not destined to tyrannize inside and outside of China forever, unless we allow it.
Now, this isn’t about containment. Don’t buy that. It’s about a complex new challenge that we’ve never faced before. The USSR was closed off from the free world. Communist China is already within our borders.
So we can’t face this challenge alone. The United Nations, NATO, the G7 countries, the G20, our combined economic, diplomatic, and military power is surely enough to meet this challenge if we direct it clearly and with great courage.
Maybe it’s time for a new grouping of like-minded nations, a new alliance of democracies.
We have the tools. I know we can do it. Now we need the will. To quote scripture, I ask is “our spirit willing but our flesh weak?”
If the free world doesn’t change – doesn’t change, communist China will surely change us. There can’t be a return to the past practices because they’re comfortable or because they’re convenient.
Securing our freedoms from the Chinese Communist Party is the mission of our time, and America is perfectly positioned to lead it because our founding principles give us that opportunity.
As I explained in Philadelphia last week, standing, staring at Independence Hall, our nation was founded on the premise that all human beings possess certain rights that are unalienable.
And it’s our government’s job to secure those rights. It is a simple and powerful truth. It’s made us a beacon of freedom for people all around the world, including people inside of China.
Indeed, Richard Nixon was right when he wrote in 1967 that “the world cannot be safe until China changes.” Now it’s up to us to heed his words.
Today the danger is clear.
And today the awakening is happening.
Today the free world must respond.
We can never go back to the past.
May God bless each of you.
May God bless the Chinese people.
And may God bless the people of the United States of America.
Thank you all.
(Applause.)

《免於恐懼的自由祈禱會》
呂秉權先生的分享

#絕望中的希望 《免於恐懼的自由》祈禱會
呂秉權 兄弟分享--- #沸點即場筆錄

片段 ▶️ https://www.facebook.com/109180535767655/posts/2493494547336230?s=548400948&v=e&sfns=mo

主教、神父、各位兄弟姊妹，大家好！很感恩可以在這裏跟大家分享，大家還是平平安安。我想起一位從大陸偷偷地來香港返教會，「宗教自由行」的姊妹，她說，想不到竟然可以在街頭報佳音，如果在大陸做這事的話，一早就被拒捕了！原來，我們可以站在街上祈禱、唱聖詩，是這麼美好的事情！

今次逃犯條例的修訂，令政府有一個很大的讓步，我可以說，這是一個奇蹟、是一個神蹟！

為我們這群，一直研究中國大陸政治的朋友來說，看著所有原先的蛛絲馬跡，中央對港的方針，是沒有讓步這計劃的！我跟大家說，原本這樣的逃犯條例，是怎樣的一回事：北京和林鄭月娥，他們以為這條例必定順利通過！為什麼？

首先，立法會絕對有足夠的票數去支持、商界也在中央的操控下一一「跪低」，即使你不情願，你不願意收回你的司法覆核也好，你最好也要跪低。

第二，在民意而言，北京已經評估過香港狀況，就算最多反對聲音、最壞程度，北京原先的評估，反對者就是佔中的規模；而佔中的規模，特區政府和警方已綽綽有餘，足以瓦解這行動於無形。兼且，這幾年來，香港的警隊， 已經不再是同樣的警隊了！香港的警隊已經進化了很多。

在後勤，我們亦知道解放軍已預備好。上一次佔領行動的時候，解放軍駐港部隊的深圳後勤部隊已經演練了；他們以四人枱一個人的規模，預備進行必要的介入，但最終沒有用到，但是他們是有部署的。如果有1萬人的集會，四個人抬1人，換句話說，就是說有4萬兵力在後勤準備。今次，不要以為我們看不見明顯的徵兆；解放軍駐港部隊已經不經不覺地做了不少工作。大家可記得？山竹襲港時，市面和郊野公園有大片破壞，解放軍駐港部隊幾百人，居然越過了駐軍法，沒有通知特區政府的情況下，可以出兵幾百人，穿着制服，他們以清理郊區的名義，動員幾百人，沒有駐軍令、沒有適當程序，他們就派了幾百個解放軍來了。這一點，我自己認為是十分危險的訊號。

第三，除了因為林鄭信心爆棚外，還有中央的因素在內。如果我們只看表面的話，會以為（修例）只是林鄭個人決定。其實，逃犯條例的修訂，中央跟香港談了很多年了，他們問香港要人，要了很多年了！今次在這修訂逃犯條例的大背景下，中央政府希望「法律武器化」香港；簡單來說，就是用任何香港的程序和法律去實行國家安全，這至高無上的保障。中央想通過這條移交逃犯條例，其實是一條「萬能Key」，文匯大公的權威解讀，國內中港智囊研究多年中港移交條例，除了一般所說：大陸犯罪的人匿藏在香港、除了香港人在國內犯罪回到香港外...... 更重要的計劃，就是威脅「國家安全」的罪犯。

在文匯大公報，5月23日引用權威人士解讀：當遇到威脅國家安全的罪犯時，一般是由香港，按照香港法律程序去處理的。那換句話說，是有不一般的情況了？當不一般的情況出現了，是不是就是可以超越香港程序去處理？而在國內研究這問題的智囊，很清楚跟我們說，在中國法律上，是沒有「政治犯」的！我們從前說反革命罪犯、或現在煽動顛覆國家政權罪犯，他們並非「政治犯」，而只是三個字：刑事犯！當我們面對刑事犯的時候，是否不引渡呢？是不是用政治犯為保護罩，我們就不引渡危害國家安全的罪犯呢？國內的智囊說，國內的邏輯是相反的！正是這些人破壞國家安全，香港更不能夠成為國家安全的漏洞，更加要去移交（罪犯），這是最恐怖的。

為什麼我們覺得恐怖呢？因為我們怎樣去定義一個人危害國家安全呢？那標準是相當之闊！在內地，只要你所謂「得罪共產黨」，你做一些黨不喜歡你做的事；你批評中央、你去支援內地的宗教，也許你報導一些新聞，內地不喜歡的......很容易你就會被檢控。

以往很多人被「砌生豬肉」（誣告），用藏毒罪、用偷竊罪、用間諜罪...... 被指控，是很恐怖的情況！我們中國大陸所行的體制，是人民民主專政，簡單來說就是「專政」兩個字！

專政是什麼呢？專政就是說，當面對政府所認為的「敵人」時，就可以不需要依照法律辦事、可以越過法律。如果大家還記得，在內地發生過不少專政事件，劉霞為什麼會完全沒有在法律程序下，被剝奪人身自由、被軟禁這麼久？銅鑼灣書店的相關人士，為什麼可以在香港跟泰國等地被綁架；被綁了之後，自願被剝奪所有法律權利，不見家人，在電視機面前認罪......為什麼呢？因為當時中國政府正在實行專政。

國家主席劉少奇，用憲法的名義叫大家不可以這樣去迫死人， 到最後......他們將一個被鬥到遍體鱗傷，急需醫院治療的一個國家主席，丟在河南的一個密室，失救至死。專政還可以令十大元帥賀龍，他患有糖尿病和各種疾病；死的時候被人專政，把高質量的葡萄糖液，打進他的身體，葡萄糖液與糖尿病結合...... 令他的腎臟衰竭、身體衰竭而死。

當一個國家說自己依法治國，但隨時可以行專政的時候，香港的法律開了一扇門，與這種專政的做法接連、以國家安全名義...... 這是多麼恐怖的事呢？而這個程序去修例，就是原來的劇本！

原來的劇本亦包括，中央在年頭的時候，審視全國的形勢，去防止各種的失控，各種不穩定因素，各種的風險。國家開了全國最高省部級的領導幹部大會，有習近平在中央黨校開講，很出名的什麼灰犀牛、黑天鵝、六個穩定，就是從這會議中出來的。當時中共領導人，是很害怕一件事： 所謂的中國「逢九必亂」，逢年份有9，他們就容易有大亂，中共見證着：
1949年，國共的更替；59年，大饑荒；69年，中蘇珍寶島之戰，國家主席劉少奇被鬥死；79年，中越戰爭；89年，六四事件；99年，法輪功圍中南海；2009年，新疆七五騷亂。

2019年頭的時候，中共已經開了全國大會去防止有任何混亂的情況。他們做了很多措施，亦都分享了很多經驗怎去處理問題。當時在中央的劇本中，香港的局勢可以說：穩如泰山！沒有可能在逢九必亂的其中一亂，是沒有可能的。他們所擔心的是經濟、與及萬一出現的失業問題，中美貿易之戰，絕對不是香港的事情。

近年，中央領隊領導人對香港的研判，他們認為香港局勢是非常的大好！為什麼這樣說呢？因為全面管治權已逐步落實，立法會受到建制的加持，由於這些社運、甚至旺角騷亂的人，相繼被重判；各種不同政見的人被DQ，整個社會的公民意識越來越低；北京與林鄭政府是極有信心的，這條例，不可能不通過！習近平早年說怎樣處理群眾運動時，清楚地說到：他剛剛上台，要扭轉胡、溫時代的那種妥協作風。習近平說：不可以：小鬧小解決、大鬧大解決、不鬧不解決！他不能讓這情況持續下去！習近平任內對港的多番措施，沒有一件證明他是妥協的；除了梁振英的不連任，而當時，是因為他在建制及商界中拿不到票 。有數票的人說，取得601票已是十分困難了，不是群眾的力量造成。而今次面對6月9日103萬人大遊行，大家可以看到，林鄭與北京政府當時的不妥協，遊行完後，無論人數有多少，依然故我，條例繼續。

當我們常常會問：天主你在哪裏？天主，為什麼香港可以被人摧殘至此？不知怎樣來了一個逆轉 ！當我們很多時質疑青年是「廢青」，在612星期三，出現了一個大家都不想看見、但卻成了一個逆轉的場面！一班青年人，他們有些是寫了遺書的，決定自己去擋子彈的情況下，他們去衝擊立法會、衝擊警方防線！當然從法律來說，他們的做法是犯法的；但是從一個公義的角度，他們認為這事情不應該這樣繼續下去，所以，他們做了抗爭。而這種抗爭，竟令到已經升級變形的香港警隊，殺紅了眼，連內部評估，也認為當警方被衝擊後，出去對群眾的清場用槍、去射頭部、用各種武器去攻擊一些無辜的人；警隊的一些內部評估，也認為是過火了。是這情況令到整件事逆轉！整個國際的壓力，令到北京政府難以承受。

那原先他們的計劃是怎樣呢？在內地的電視，和平集會的鏡頭全部被刪去，被描繪成示威者衝擊警察、暴徒般襲擊，今次他們想說成香港暴徒襲擊政府，以拿取道德高地。殊不知，警方濫用武器、過度執法、逆轉了整個畫面！原本習近平的計劃：叫做「楓橋經驗」，那就是遇到群眾事件時，就地解決，矛盾不上交！煎你的皮、但內裡燒不焦；鬥你的表面，但內部不會出事......

但很可惜，今次特區政府不單止沒有「矛盾不上交」，不但上交中央、還上了國際層面；令中共面對非常大的壓力，因而出現了一個逆轉。

我認為，這是天主的眷顧、天主的神跡！

到最後，我想用一個眼神去完結我這個分享：我記得，在612過後，我跟朋友去了一所聖堂，在聖堂門口見到一對警察，虎視眈眈，還是非常強硬的態度，他們想去捉拿聖堂內的青年。我在聖堂內看見一位青年，穿著黑背心，眼神很惶恐。我問他，可要幫他買件衣服，讓他離開？他說：「不用了」，他在聖堂得到了保護，找到了他的家，真正的父親、母親。當我行出教堂外，警察的目光，好像張牙舞爪，想要抓一個孩子......

希望上主繼續眷顧我們，賜我們平安；希望傷者能得平安...... 主佑香港！

2019年6月19日晚上

▶️ 祈禱會直播 https://www.facebook.com/1764198537146061/posts/2394608974105011?s=548400948&sfns=mo

▶️再談逃犯條例修定研討會 https://www.facebook.com/hkjpcom/videos/2180158835373248?s=667412853

“Hope in despair”
sharing of Mr Lui Ping Kuen at the “freedom from fear” prayer meeting

Bishop, father, brothers and sisters:

I am so grateful to share with you all here and I am grateful that we are all safe. I think of a sister who sneaked in Hong Kong to attend church services, “Religious Individual Visit”. She was surprised that there was street caroling in Hong Kong because one will be arrested if one does this in the Mainland. It is so wonderful that we can pray and sing hymns on the street!

I can claim that it is a miracle that the government retreats on the extradition bill!

For people like us who have studied Chinese Politics for a long time, we found that the Central Government had no plan to retreat in their policy towards Hong Kong from the clues we observed. I told you what the extradition bill was about originally: Beijing and Carrie Lam thought that the bill must be passed smoothly! Why?

First of all, there were definitely enough votes in the Legislative Council to pass the bill, and the business sector also submitted under the control of the Central Government, whether you were willing or not, whether you wanted to withdraw the judicial review application or not, you’d better submit to it.

Secondly, the Central Government has assessed the views of people in Hong Kong and they thought that the worst case scenario would be similar to that of the scale of Umbrella Movement only. They believed that the HKSAR Government and the Police could handle that scale of protest easily. Moreover, Hong Kong Police Force is not the same as the one a few years ago and has improved a lot. We also knew that the People's Liberation Army was well prepared to support. The logistic unit of People's Liberation Army Hong Kong Garrison in Shenzhen has drilled during the previous occupying movement. They prepared to intervene, on a scale of 4 soldiers to remove 1 protester, when necessary. Although it was not carried out eventually, they were prepared. If there is a rally of 10 thousands people, 4 soldiers removing 1 protester, that means there are 40 thousands soldiers preparing to support. We can see significant signs that People's Liberation Army Hong Kong Garrison has done a lot when we are not aware of it. Do you still member, there was extensive damage in urban and rural areas during the strike of severe typhoon Mangkhut? A few hundred soldiers from the People's Liberation Army Hong Kong Garrison wearing their uniform, bypassing the Garrison Law and without informing the HKSAR Government, were mobilised in the name of clearing the rural areas. Ignoring the Garrison Law and proper procedure, they sent a few hundred soldiers. I think this is a very dangerous sign.

Thirdly, besides the overconfidence of Carrie Lam, the Central Government is also a key factor. On the surface, we would think this (amendment of the bill) is solely Carrie Lam’s own decision. In fact, the amendment of extradition bill has been discussed between the Central Government and the HKSAR Government for many years. They have been asking Hong Kong for people they wanted for many years! The Central Government wants to make law their weapon in Hong Kong, to put it simply, the Central Government wants to exercise national security by using any procedures and laws in Hong Kong, this is the ultimate protection. The Central Government wants to pass this extradition bill, which works for nearly anything. From the authoritative interpretation by the Wen Wei Po and Ta Kung Pao, the think tank in Mainland which has been studying extradition law between Mainland and Hong Kong for many years, that it is because, besides the situations that the criminals from the Mainland hide in Hong Kong or Hong Kong people committed offences in the Mainland and hide in Hong Kong, more importantly the criminals that threaten “national security”.

On 23 May, Wen Wei Po and Ta Kung Pao quoted interpretation from authority that it is normally handled by Hong Kong according to Hong Kong legal procedures when there are criminals that threaten national security. In other words, there are abnormal situations? Will it bypass the Hong Kong legal procedures to handle the case when abnormal situation occurs? Member of think tank in the Mainland who studies this issue told us clearly that, there is no “political offenders” under Chinese law. No matter the “counter-revolutionary” offenders in the past or the current “inciting subversion of state power” offenders, they are not “political offenders” but criminal offenders! Are we not to extradite a criminal offender? Are we not to extradite offenders threatening national security by using “political offender” as a protection shield? Member of think tank in the Mainland said, the logic in Mainland is the opposite! As these people cause damage to national security, Hong Kong should not be the loophole of national security and more justified to extradite (offenders). This is the most dangerous part.

Why do we think that this is dangerous? It is because it is very easy for one to be defined as threatening national security. In the Mainland, if you do anything that the Communist Party doesn’t want you to do and upset the Communist Party, such as criticising the Central Government, supporting the religions in Mainland, reporting some news they don’t like. You are easy to be prosecuted.

In the past, there were a lot of people being prosecuted with false accusations including possession of drugs, theft, espionage. It is very horrible! The system in Mainland China is called “People’s democratic dictatorship”, to put it simply, dictatorship! What is dictatorship? It means that the Government do not need to follow the law and can bypass the law when dealing with their “enemies”. There were many incidents occurred under dictatorship in the Mainland if you still remember. Why were Liu Xia put under house arrest, deprived of personal freedom, for such a long time without following any legal procedures? Why were the people related to Causeway Bay Books kidnapped in places like Hong Kong and Thailand, then voluntarily deprived all legal rights, not to meet their families, and pleaded guilty on television? Why? It is because the Chinese Government is practising dictatorship at that time.

President Liu Shaoqi asked people not to persecute and caused the death of others in the name of constitution, at the end… They left a president who was seriously hurt by the crowd and was required to be sent to hospital for treatment urgently, in a room in Henan secretly and died as he was not saved in time. Dictatorship also made one of the then 10 Marshals of the Communist Party, He Lung, who suffered from diabetes and other illnesses, dead after an injection of a large dose of glucose. The glucose and diabetes caused his death by kidney failure and multiple organ failure.

When a country claims that it exercises rule by law, but it can also exercise dictatorship at anytime, if the Hong Kong legal system will be connected to this dictatorship, in the name of national security… how horrible is this? And this is the original script, which the law would be amended according to this procedure! The original script also included that, the Central Government has assessed the situation of the whole country to prevent any out-of-control situation, to prevent any uncertainties and risks in the beginning of this year. A countrywide meeting for officials of provincial level was held and Xi Jinping gave a speech at the Central Party School. Those famous saying included “grey rhinocero”, “black swan”, “six certainties” are originated from this meeting. The leaders of Communist Party were scared of one thing: the so-called “chaos in the years ending in 9” as the Communist Party witnessed chaos happened in those years ending in 9: 1949 - the Kuomintang was replaced by the Communist; 1959 - the Great Famine; 1969 - Sino-Russian Zhenbao dao War and President Liu Shaoqi was dead; 1979 - Sino-Vietnamese War; 1989 - Tiananmen Square Protests; 1999 - Falun Gong practitioners surrounded the Zhongnanhai (Central Government compound in Beijing); 2009 - 5th July Incident in Xinjiang.

In the beginning of 2019, countrywide meeting was held by the Communist Party to prevent any chaotic situation. They have done a lot and shared experience on handling problems. On the script of the Central Government at that time, the situation in Hong Kong was extremely stable. This was impossible for Hong Kong to become one of the chaos in the “chaos in the years ending in 9”. This was impossible. They were worried about the economics and the possible unemployment problem, US-China Trade War, definitely not Hong Kong issue.

The leaders of Central Government assessed that the circumstance in Hong Kong was very favourable in recent years. Why did they think so? It is because overall jurisdiction is gradually exercising in Hong Kong, the Legislative Council is supported by the pro-establishment camp; the social activists or even people involved in MongKok Riot were serving severe sentences; people of different political views were disqualified, civil awareness of the community became lower and lower; Beijing and Carrie Lam’s team were very confident in passing the bill. Talking about how to handle social movement, Xi Jinping stated that he would change the compromising style of Hu(Jintao)-Wen(Jiabao) Era when he came to power. Xi Jinping said no to “small conflict solves on a small scale, large conflict solves on a large scale, no conflict then nothing will be solved”! He could not allow this situation to continue. None of the policies towards Hong Kong showed any compromise during Xi Jinping’s rule, except no second term of office for CY Leung. It was because he could not get enough votes from the pro-establishment camp and the business sector at that time. One who counted the number of votes (before the election to estimate the number) said that it was difficult enough to get 601 votes. It was not a result of the power of the people. There were 1 million and 30 thousands people joining the demonstration on 9th June, we could see that Carrie Lam and Beijing Government did not compromise. No matter how many people joined the demonstration, they continued the procedures to pass the bill after the demonstration.

When we keep asking: “Where are you God?” “God, why are Hong Kong people tortured like this?” Here comes a reverse! When we question the youngsters as “useless”, on Wednesday 12th June, a situation that we all didn’t want to see occurred, but it made a reverse! A group of youngsters, some of them have written their testaments and decided to block the bullets, charged against Legislative Council and the Police cordon lines! Of course, their acts were illegal from the legal point of view; however, from the point of justice, they didn’t think that this issue should continue in this way. Therefore, they protested. This kind of protest unexpectedly triggered the uncontrolled attack by the upgraded and distorted Hong Kong Police. Even the internal assessment of the Police Force considered that the Police who used guns, shot in the head and used different weapons to attack innocent people, to clear the scene after being clashed, went too far. This is what made the issue reversed! The international pressure made it unbearable for Beijing Government.

Then what was their original plan? On the Mainland television, shots of peaceful assembly were all deleted and would be described as the protesters crashing the Police and attacking like mob. They wanted to claim that Hong Kong mob attacked the Government to gain moral high ground. However, excessive use of force by the Police reversed the whole situation. The original plan of Xi Jinping was called "Fengqiao Experience” which solves the social events on site and not to escalate it; attacks the surface but not to affect the core part. Unfortunately, the HKSAR Government could not solve the problem on site and escalated to the Central Government, and even reached an international level. It created a very big pressure for the Communist Party and made a reverse.

I think this is mercy from God, a miracle from God!

Lastly, I would like to conclude my sharing by the expression shown in one’s eyes. I remember I went to a church with friends after the 12th June incident and saw a pair of policeman at the entrance of the church, looking aggressive and wanted to catch the youngsters in the church. I saw a youngster in church, wearing a black vest, looked terrified in his eyes. I asked him whether I should help him to get clothes so that he could leave. He answered no. He found protection and home in the church, found his real father and mother. When I left the church, from the look of the policemen, it seemed to me that they wanted to catch a child…

May God continues to bless us with peace and may the wounded be given peace. God bless Hong Kong!

Evening of the 19th of June

#沸點直擊

馬駿：尋結構性增長　押注消費服務業

環球多國央行如歐、美、日先後「放水」以圖挽救經濟，中國經濟縱面臨嚴峻考驗，但仍未推出大規模刺激措施力挽狂瀾，中港股市在政策未明下倍添波動。德銀大中華區首席經濟學家馬駿坦言，在歐洲經濟積弱、美國財政懸崖（fiscal cliff）等外部衝擊下，投資者目前不宜太進取（aggressive），宜避開周期性行業，長遠而言，投資者應配置在調結構利好的行業。

■看好食品飲料、醫療等行業

　　中國正處於穩增長，調結構的階段，馬駿因而看好受惠調結構的行業，包括食品飲料、資訊科技、天然氣、證券、保險、豪華汽車、醫療等行業，估計今後3年她們年均每股盈利（EPS）增長介乎13%至22%之間。

■未來3年料銀行盈利倒退

　　相反，傳統由投資拉動的行業，是調結構的受害者，如原材料（鋼材、煤炭）、房地產和銀行業，投資者應避開。中長期來說，這些行業每年平均盈利增長將低於名義GDP增長速度，特別是銀行業衝擊較大，今後3年年均盈利增長料只有負4%。