[爆卦]aforementioned中文是什麼?優點缺點精華區懶人包

雖然這篇aforementioned中文鄉民發文沒有被收入到精華區:在aforementioned中文這個話題中,我們另外找到其它相關的精選爆讚文章

在 aforementioned中文產品中有6篇Facebook貼文,粉絲數超過4萬的網紅陳冠廷 Kuan-Ting Chen,也在其Facebook貼文中提到, I have recently perused Nicholas Kristof’s NYT piece “China’s Man in Washington, Named Trump”(https://nyti.ms/3h2JXh8). One paragraph in particular ca...

 同時也有10000部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過2,910的網紅コバにゃんチャンネル,也在其Youtube影片中提到,...

  • aforementioned中文 在 陳冠廷 Kuan-Ting Chen Facebook 的精選貼文

    2020-08-15 11:47:20
    有 477 人按讚

    I have recently perused Nicholas Kristof’s NYT piece “China’s Man in Washington, Named Trump”(https://nyti.ms/3h2JXh8). One paragraph in particular caught my attention: “A joke in China suggests that Trump’s Chinese name is Chuan Jianguo, or “Build-the-Country Trump.” That’s because Build-the-Country is a common revolutionary name among Communist patriots, and it’s mockingly suggested that Trump’s misrule of the United States is actually bolstering Xi’s regime.”

    Kristoff also avows that since Trump’s ascension to presidency, the American nation became highly polarized. This is reflected in the current administration’s policies on climate change, foreign relations with established U.S. allies, and COVID-19 prevention, all of which are rather ineffective. It also seems like Mr. Trump and his team diverged from the traditional priorities, including promoting free trade, human rights, and other quintessentially American values. As described thoroughly by John Bolton, all these factors contributed to the declining standing of the U.S. in global politics.

    What is more, many people fall prey to CCP’s propaganda and its interpretations of Trump’s actions, which only enhances China’s reputation.

    But that might not exactly be the case.

    The CCP apparently failed to utilize the window of opportunity created by the ineptness of the Trump administration, as China could have grown to the position of a leader by filling in the void left by the U.S.

    During the 2016 APEC Ministerial Meeting in Lima, Peru, Xi Jinping and his team actively supported the plans to establish the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and a Free Trade Area of the Asia Pacific, or FTAAP. In contrast, the United States withdrew its signature from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) in early 2017. Coupled with China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure and Investment Bank (AIIB), this move bolstered China’s capacity to influence global investments and trade, high-tech mergers and acquisitions, and, overall, expand its geostrategic influence on the entire globe.

    At the same time, various propaganda films about great power competition, military industry, and science and technology surged all at once, and gained remarkable following around the world.

    All this provided a window of opportunity for the CCP to slowly change its course. Around the same time, the distrust for POTUS among U.S. allies’ reached its apex. According to polls conducted by the Pew Research Center, the distrust for the U.S. president in the U.K. reached 75%, 72% in Japan, 70% in Australia, and stunning 86% in France.

    Had the C.C.P,. begun to open up at that time, or at least resumed the governance style of the Hu-Wen administration, it could have reaped the benefits of promoting liberalism where the U.S. failed to deliver. It was the time for Beijing to gradually enhance freedom of speech domestically, pursue sustainable infrastructural projects, gradually reform unfair barriers to trade, transform its S.O.E.s, strengthen protections for private ownership, and vitalize its start-ups and enterprises.

    Moreover, were China to cease the genocide in East Turkestan and refrain from cracking down on Hong Kong's semi-autonomy, it would have greatly enhanced its global international image. Additionally, if paired with slow but steady reforms, Beijing’s respect for sovereignty of its peoples would have attracted a large amount of foreign investment, which in turn would have continued to buttress the country’s growth.

    It is China prerogative to remain idle.
    It might still be possible for Chinese “Dream” to come true.
    Yet, a historic window of opportunity is now closed.

    Xi assumed the tools of proscribing and stalling, which are completely antithetical to the aforementioned window of opportunity.

    Today, China is more authoritarian, less flexible, and fully deprived of horizontal accountability. Its reliance on wolf warrior diplomacy backfired: for example, the Swedish parliament sought to expel the Chinese ambassador to Stockholm. Also, Prague, the capital of Czechia, terminated its sister-city agreement with Shanghai and instead signed a new one with Taipei. Last but not least, we ought not to forget about the recent fiasco in the relations with the United States who ordered the shutdown of China’s consulate in Houston. All of this took its toll on China’s reputation.

    Its international standing and inability to replace the U.S. as the major global power are not the only issues China is currently facing.
    As it experiences multiple domestic and international shocks, China struggles to combat the COVID-19 pandemic and tame the disastrous floods of Yangtze River. The swarm of locusts of biblical proportions is also crippling Beijing’s institutional capacity and may soon lead to food shortages. In fact, the precarity of food supply further diminishes the level of trust for Chinese authorities.

    In 2019, the Pew Research Center conducted a public opinion survey to examine the international views of China. In the U.S., Argentina, the U.K., Canada, Germany, and Ukraine, only about 30% of respondents claim a favorable view of China.

    As the COVID-19 pandemic rages in the U.S., as many as 73% of U.S. respondents view China unfavorably.

    Recently, the C.C.P. is losing its focus by continuously shifting targets. In fact, I believe there is no need for the C.C.P.to rely on nationalistic appeals, since in this new century values, business relations, and fair competition are all far more important than greater than delusive blood ties.
    China lies only 130 kilometers away from us. Of course, we welcome dialogue and seek to avoid misjudgments. But we also distinguish between the C.C.P. and China. While we do welcome dialogue, but we will not be coerced to talk under unjust preconditions or in fear.

    The only fair prerequisites are those of reciprocity, mutual respect as well as fairness and openness with respect for the rule of law.
    Source: Pew Research Center

    最近看到紐約時報中文版的一篇文章
    <美國的川普,中國的「川建國」>,其中一小段是這樣的

    「在中國,人們戲稱川普的中文名字是川建國。那是因為建國是共產黨愛國者中一個普遍的革命人名。它在諷刺地暗示川普對美國的治理不當實際上是在鞏固習近平的政權。」

    裡面也提到,川普在任的幾年,國家更分裂,對於氣候變遷,傳統美國盟友,乃至於疫情處理等都相當拙劣,對於美國傳統的自由貿易、人權等價值也基本上都沒有太大興趣。這些方針,導致美國在世界的評價降低,波頓的新書也多有描述。

    除此之外,許多不幸相信中共宣傳,又或者是中共圈養的小粉紅,特別故意愛宣傳川普增強中國的威望。

    但這不是真的。

    中共完全沒有掌握美國做得不夠好的地方,去增強其在世界的領導力。

    在2016年時,秘魯的亞太峰會舉行期間,習近平政權爭取(RCEP)及亞太自由貿易區(FTAAP)談判;對比2017年初,美國剛宣布退出TPP,加上中國到「一帶一路」和亞洲基礎設施投資銀行,中國當時在世界全面發揮投資貿易、高科技併購還有其地緣戰略的影響力。

    也是那個時候,各種的大國崛起、大國軍工、大國科技的宣傳影片此起彼落,似乎正準備要在世界舞台發光發熱。

    這曾經是中共慢慢轉向的一個機會之窗。彼時(2017)美國盟友對美國總統的不信任度達到歷史新高,根據皮尤研究中心的資訊,英國對於美國總統的不信任度達到75%、日本72% 澳洲70% 法國更高達86%

    如果那時中共開始有限度的改革,對內放寬言論自由,或者至少維持在胡溫當時的水中,對外追求有責任的基礎建設,逐步緩慢減低不公平的貿易壁壘,對於國有企業改革,增強私營企業、新創企業的活力。

    停止對新疆迫害,不干預香港自治,不僅國際形象會大幅改善,哪怕是緩慢但是穩健的改革,也會讓大量吸引外資,讓中國的活力持續前進。

    哪怕是什麼都不做也好

    那或許有這麽一點可能性,中國「夢」是可以前行的

    但是歷史機緣的大門已經關上。

    習、禁、停、放棄了這個機會之窗,徹底的走向相反的方向。

    更專制、更沒有彈性,更沒有任何制衡的力量。各種戰狼外交,讓瑞典議員提案驅逐中國大使,捷克布拉格市長與台北簽訂姊妹是,就解散上海與該市關係、被美國關閉領事館、各種讓中國形象低下的事情,中共都沒有少做。

    中共不但完全沒有辦法取代美國,在多重國內外的衝擊之下,又是瘟疫,又是超大水患,緊接著蝗害,還有進來的糧食不足問題,正在面臨巨大的瓶頸。

    而糧食的命脈,卻恰恰又在對他最不信任,對中共價值最反對的國家聯盟

    根據皮尤研究中心:Pew Research Center2019調查各國對中國的喜好度,美國、阿根廷、英國、加拿大、德國、烏克蘭等,對於中國的喜好度都在30%上下

    而2020疫情後美國對於中國的不信任度,更高達73%。

    最近中共在演習,又要玩轉移目標的手段,對於中共,其實不必再有民族主義的同情,因為新的世紀,價值、商業模式、公平競爭的制度大於血緣幻想。

    中國離我們只有130公里的距離,我們當然歡迎對話,避免誤判。但我們同時也區分中共與中國,歡迎對話,但不在前提、條件、恐懼之下對話。

    如果真的要有前提,那就是對等、尊重,還有公平公開法治的方式會晤。

    資料來源:皮尤研究中心:Pew Research Center
    (美國著名的民調機構和智庫機構,https://www.pewresearch.org/)

  • aforementioned中文 在 彭文正 Facebook 的最佳解答

    2020-06-17 08:24:27
    有 623 人按讚

    轉載Chenchen Chen fb
    🛠《大家來找碴welcome strict proofreader 》

    看到Christopher Chen附在獨立觀察的連結,披露日本記者黑木亮著手調查東京知事小池百合子的埃及開羅大學學歴史,所以整理了文章一半的中英對照如下,另外一半預期周末整理好再另外貼新版。

    大家可以比較東京知事和她的大貴人(埃及前副首相Dr Hatem)如何促使她主張她1976年確從埃及開羅大學畢業的做法。台灣媒體不敢報導此日本疑似假學歷的新聞,倒是刷了很多東京知事抗疫好棒棒的中文報導-想必是要洗嬰粉的腦「會做事就好了,學歷有什麼重要」哈哈😄⋯⋯

    ✳️原文連結: https://jbpress.ismedia.jp/articles/-/60643

    🔥偽造大學學位的指控困擾東京都知事小池百合子(Vol.4)
    Allegations of fake university degree haunt Tokyo Governor Yuriko Koike (vol.4)

    💥自從現任東京都知事小池百合子(Yuriko Koike)於1992年成為國會議員以來,一直有謠言流傳稱,小池百合子(Koike)文飾美化她的學歷。
    Ever since the incumbent Governor of Tokyo, Yuriko Koike became a Member of Parliament in 1992, rumors have been circulating that Koike embellished her academic credentials.

    小池聲稱自己曾自開羅大學畢業,但是如果以阿拉伯語為母語的人去聽她的阿拉伯語,那麼她公開身為開羅大學畢業生的學歷,似乎就顯得更加可疑了。
    Koike claims to have graduated from Cairo University but if an Arabic speaker listens to her Arabic, her published academic credentials as a Cairo University graduate seems more than dubious.

    [我有]強有力的證據可以證明她偽造學歷,例如由室友提供的證詞-有紀錄片可查的證詞;小池的自相矛盾的說法表明,儘管第一年不及格,她仍然在四年之內畢業,她的初階程度阿拉伯語,以及關於畢業論文的謊言,和她拒絕向東京都議會提交畢業文件的頑強行為。
    There are strong evidence about her fake academic credentials such as testimony by the flatmate supported by documentary evidence, Koike's self-contradictory statement in her book to have graduated in four years despite failing her first year, her rudimentary Arabic, her lie about the graduation thesis and her stubbornness in refusing to submit her graduation documents to the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly.

    身為一個通曉阿拉伯語並從埃及大學(開羅美國大學的中東研究專業)畢業的人,我自有一種任務感,因此我決定對這些指控進行調查。 經過兩年的調查,我找不到任何證據,甚至沒有一絲一毫的最低線索,可以證明小池是從開羅大學畢業的。
    Feeling a sense of duty as someone who learnt Arabic and graduated from an Egyptian university (MA, Middle East Studies from the American University in Cairo), I decided to investigate the allegations. After two years of investigation, I could not find any evidence, nor even the slightest hint that Koike graduated from Cairo University.

    在這個共由六大部組成的文章中,我詳細介紹了我的調查結果。這裡是第四部的內容:
    In this six-part article, I present the results of my investigation in detail.Here is the fourth part of it;

    💥小池有符合[埃及大學]轉學資格嗎?
    Was Koike eligible to transfer?

    "小池在她的書中和其他地方聲稱,她於1972年10月開學以一年級(新鮮人)生身分進入開羅大學。
    Koike claims in her books and other places that she entered Cairo University as a first year student (freshman) in October 1972.

    但是,她室友在"假簡歷”紀錄片中說:“小池是於1973年10月以二年級學生身分進入開羅大學。
    However, in the ""Fake CV"" the flatmate says, ""Koike entered Cairo University in October 1973 as a second year student.

    「小池高興地對我說:“我父親先請當時的哈特姆博士,當時也是埃及副首相,還兼任文化和信息部長,依據我在關西學院大學-是一間日本兵庫縣的私立大學-所上課的幾個月[學程],加上另外在開羅美國大學的上語言課程的幾個月,一起調整合併當成是我在開羅大學就讀的第一學年[學程時間]。」
    Koike happily told me ‘My father asked Dr. Hatem, then Egypt's Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Culture and Information, to swap my few months at Kwansei Gakuin University, a private university in Hyogo prefecture, and a few months at the language course at the American University in Cairo for the first year at Cairo University. ‘

    「哈特姆博士接受了這一要求。此外,我的學雜費和申請費全免除了。 」
    ‘Dr. Hatem accepted the request. In addition, my tuition and admission fees have been waived’ .

    這顯然是寫在室友1972年11月19日給她在日本母親的信中的。根據“假簡歷”該部分陳述的內容,她(室友)大部分信都附有信件日期和郵戳。 如果是這樣,他們這些人都將會被埃及法院起訴。
    This is apparently written in the flatmate’s letter to her mother in Japan dated 19 November 1972. According to the ""Fake CV"" most of her letters were dated and postmarked. If so, they will be admissible to court."

    呈現在“假簡歷”的內容中,含當時也正在埃及另一所大學就讀的另一名日本女性,她說,她對小池當時可以轉入開羅大學二年級就讀感到驚訝。 我(作者:黑木亮)所採訪過的另一位開羅大學的日本畢業生也記得:小池當年是[直接]轉入開羅大學二年級。
    In the ""Fake CV"" another Japanese woman who was attending another university in Egypt at the time says she was surprised that Koike had transferred in the second year at Cairo University. Another Japanese graduate of Cairo University whom I interviewed also remembered that Koike had transferred to the second year."

    然而,轉學到包括開羅大學在內的埃及國立大學訂有嚴格的規定。為了進行轉學,學生必須在另一所大學獲得與埃及國立大學課程相同或相似的內容和學習時數的學分,並且必須獲得一定程度的成績。 開羅大學轉學中心辦公室向我證實了這一點。
    However, strict rules are in place to transfer to Egypt's state universities, including Cairo University. In order to transfer, a student must have earned credits at another university with the same or similar content and number of hours as the Egyptian state university’s curriculum and must have earned a certain number of grades. This was confirmed to me by the Central Transfers Office of Cairo University.

    例如,在2016-17學年,如果學生希望:
    -轉學到工程或醫學學院,則必須從其他大學獲得至少imtiyaaz(優秀)成績。
    -轉學實務研究學院,則必須從其他大學獲得至少jaiid jiddab(非常好)的成績。
    -轉學理論學習研究學院,則必須從其他大學獲得至少jaiid (好)的成績。
    In the case of the 2016-17 academic year, for example, students are required to have at least imtiyaaz (excellent) grade from other university if the student wishes to transfer to the Faculty of Engineering or Medicine and at least jaiid jiddan (very good) grade in the case of faculties of practical study and at least jaiid (good) grade for those of theoretical study.

    前面如曾經提到的記者,達莉亞·施貝爾(Dalia Shibel)這樣告訴我:“在埃及,國立大學和私立大學是兩個完全不同的系統。即使您在開羅的美國大學學習了10年並獲得了必要的學分,您還是必須從開羅(國立)大學的一年級學生重新開始。這是我國的法律”。 因此,像小池這樣沒有在另一所大學讀完一年(也沒有獲得任何學分)的人是完全不可能被核准轉學的。
    The aforementioned journalist Dalia Shibel told me that ""In Egypt state universities and private universities are two completely different systems. Even if you study at the American University in Cairo for 10 years obtaining necessary credits, you have to start as a first year student in Cairo University. This is the law of our country"". Therefore it is totally impossible that a person like Koike who has not finished a year at another university (and has not earned any credits) would be allowed to transfer."

    小池最多只在關西學院大學學習了幾個月。 她在開羅的美國大學CASA那裡學習阿拉伯語只是一所語言學校,不提供任何學分或學位。 如果像一些日本人指出的那樣,小池真果真是在1973年轉入開羅大學第二年級的話,那不過是欺詐性的轉學而已。 這意味著她從一開始就沒有資格畢業。
    Koike only attended Kwansei Gakuin University for several months at most. CASA at the American University in Cairo where she learnt Arabic is just a language school and does not offer any credits or degrees. If, as some Japanese people point out, Koike actually transferred to the second year at Cairo University in 1973, that is nothing but a fraudulent transfer. That means she was not eligible for graduation from the beginning.

    💥關於小池入學許可的問題並沒有得到答案
    No answer to the question about Koike’s admittance

    2019年,有51人因以慈善機構樂捐名義為幌子,賄賂美國一個組織而受到起訴,該組織通過提升名人和其他人的孩子的SAT(大學才能測驗)分數,以欺詐手段允許他們的子女因此能夠進入著名的大學。
    In 2019, 51 people were prosecuted in the United States for paying bribes under the guise of charity to an organization that allows celebrities and others to increase their children's SAT (college aptitude test) scores and fraudulently admit them to prestigious universities.

    其中一位女演員費利西蒂·霍夫曼(Felicity Huffman)曾出演電視劇《欲望師奶(台灣翻譯)》,被判處14天監禁,並於去年10月在加利福尼亞州的女性監獄中被監禁。 霍夫曼的女兒索菲亞(Sophia)尚未上大學,據報導他將重考SAT。
    One of them, actress Felicity Huffman, who starred in the TV drama Desperate Housewives, was sentenced to 14 days in prison and was incarcerated last October in a women's prison in California. Huffman's daughter Sophia has not enrolled in college and is reported to be retaking the SAT.

    斯坦福大學以’非合法入學申請’為由,開除一名中國學生,原因在於他的父母為了可以濫用體育贊助(入學)名額,使他得以註冊該校學習課程,向該(同一)組織支付了650萬美元。
    Stanford University expelled a Chinese student, whose parents paid $6.5 million to the organization for misusing a sports endorsement slot to enroll in the program, citing irregularities in submissions.

    由於小池似乎未達到轉學入埃及國立大學的要求,因此我致信小池,詢問小池是在1972年還是1973年被錄取,但未得到任何答复(有關我詢問的信件內容,以及小池回應的所有完整文件,將在此報告的稍後部分中顯示)。
    As Koike does not appear to have fulfilled the requirements for transferring to a state university in Egypt, I sent a letter to Koike, to ask whether she was admitted in 1972 or 1973 but received no response (the full text of my questions to and response from Koike will appear later in this report).

    開羅大學是阿拉伯世界著名的大學之一,醫學,工程學,經濟和政治學係有許多優秀的埃及學生。 但是,該校在全球地位並不是很高。
    Cairo University is one of the prominent universities in the Arab world and there are many excellent Egyptian students in the Faculties of Medicine, Engineering, and Economics and Political Science. However, its global standing is not very high.

    在英國Quacquarelli Symonds Ltd.發布的2020年QS世界大學排名中,開羅大學在全球排名521-530,在埃及排名第二,與日本的熊本大學和長崎大學相當。 埃及最好的大學是開羅的美國大學(私立和美國認可大學),在世界上排名第395(與日本神戶大學並列)。 埃及排名第三的是艾因沙姆斯大學,亞歷山大大學和阿修特大學(所有國立大學),在世界範圍內排名第801-1000。
    In the 2020 edition of the QS World University Rankings published by Quacquarelli Symonds Ltd. in the United Kingdom, Cairo University ranks 521-530 in the world and second in Egypt, on par with Kumamoto University and Nagasaki University in Japan. The best university in Egypt is the American University in Cairo (private and American-accredit university) which ranks 395th in the world (tied with Kobe University in Japan). Third place in Egypt are Ain Shams University, Alexandria University, and Assiut University (all state universities) which rank 801-1000th in the world.

    💥小池與Abdel-Kader Hatem博士的關係
    Koike’s Connections with Dr. Abdel-Kader Hatem

    協助小池進行了“可能是欺詐性轉學"的埃及政客的名字出現在“假經歷”這部分的內容中。 這個室友證明,小池在1973年通過著名的埃及政治家阿卜杜勒·卡德爾·哈特姆博士的關係轉入開羅大學二年級。
    The name of an Egyptian politician who assisted Koike's possible ""fraudulent transfer"" appears in the ""Fake CV"". The flatmate testifies that Koike transferred to the second grade at Cairo University in 1973 through the connections of Dr. Abdel- Kader Hatem, a prominent Egyptian politician."

    Hatem於1917年生於亞歷山大。他畢業於軍事學院和開羅大學。 他參與了1952年的埃及革命(是一個推翻君主制的政變,次年埃及共和國成立),當時他是在由Gamal Abdel Nasser中校領導的自由軍運動中的一名年輕成員。
    Hatem was born in Alexandria in 1917. A graduate of the Military Academy and Cairo University. He participated in the Egyptian revolution in 1952 (a coup to overthrow the monarchy which was followed by the foundation of the republic the following year) as a young member of the Free Officers Movement led by then Lieutenant Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser.

    他於1957年成為國民議會議員,總統府副部長,1959年廣播電視國務部長,1962年文化部長,國家指導和旅遊部長,1971年副首相兼文化信息部長 ,曾任全國專業委員會常務理事兼埃及-日本友好協會主席。 他於2015年去世,享年97歲。
    He became a member of the National Assembly in 1957, Deputy Minister in the Presidential Office, Minister of State for Radio and Television in 1959, Minister of Culture and Minister of National Guidance and Tourism in 1962, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Culture and Information in 1971, then longtime General Supervisor of the Specialized National Councils and President of the Egyptian-Japanese Friendship Association. He died in 2015 at the age of 97.

    1974年2月,當時掌控文化和信息的副首相,哈特姆,以正式外賓的身份訪問了日本,並會見了日本首相田中角榮,副首相三木武夫,並參觀了皇宮與天皇會面。 1982年,他被日本政府授予"旭日東昇頭等大勳章”。
    In February 1974, Hatem, who was then the Deputy Prime Minister in charge of Culture and Information visited Japan as an official guest and met Japan’s Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka, Deputy Prime Minister Takeo Miki and visited the Imperial Palace to meet the Emperor. In 1982 he was awarded the Grand Cordon of the Order of the Rising Sun, First Class by the Japanese government.

    "在1974年Hatem訪日之際,日本駐埃及大使Tsutomu Wada在1974年2月12日給日本外交大臣的正式電報中寫道:“埃及政治的最新發展,哈特姆副首相的職位(曾擔任首相的代理者)得到了進一步鞏固,正如我經常報導的那樣,埃及副首相在6名媒體記者的陪同下訪問日本,這是非同尋常的,這清楚地表明了哈特姆博士的權力,並表明了他認為這次訪問的重要性。”
    On the occasion of Hatem's visit to Japan in 1974 the Japanese Ambassador to Egypt Tsutomu Wada wrote in an official telegram dated 12 February 1974 to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Japan ""As a result of recent developments in Egyptian politics the position of Deputy Prime Minister Hatem (who had been acting as a substitute for the Prime Minister) has been further strengthened as I have often reported. It is remarkable for an Egyptian Deputy Prime Minister to visit Japan accompanied by 6 media reporters and that clearly shows Dr. Hatem’s power. It also shows how important he thinks this visit is."""

    "哈特姆的阿拉伯文傳記《阿卜杜勒·卡德·哈特姆日記-十月戰爭政府首腦》於2016年在開羅出版(由埃及記者易卜拉欣·阿卜杜勒·阿齊茲撰寫)指出,哈特姆與中曾根康弘保持著良好的關係, 自1954年起擔任日本前首相,中曾根將當時的在校學生,小池百合子-他朋友的女兒,介紹給哈特姆,哈特姆照顧小池,小池稱哈特姆為教父,並給了小池零用錢, 每月14埃及鎊。(小池在《長袖和服的金字塔攀登》第250頁上寫道,她每月從埃及政府獲得12英鎊的獎學金)。
    🌐Chenchen註:Furisode是日本年輕未婚女性穿著的最正式的和服風格-以長袖為其特色,小池應是以Furisode做為自己的意象代名詞,唯美的描繪她以一介日本年輕嬌嬌女,如何在陌生的中東環境-埃及地,逐步攀登權力金字塔。中東地區非常保守,不但男尊女卑,金字塔也不容許遊客任意攀登,更何況是穿著舉步維艱的長袖正式和服,所以小池以一個浮誇的畫面來增飾自己在埃及留學生活的映象。
    The Arabic-language biography of Hatem “The Diary of Abdel-Kader Hatem - Head of the October War Government"" published in Cairo in 2016 (written by an Egyptian journalist Ibrahim Abdel Aziz) states that Hatem had been on good terms with Yasuhiro Nakasone, former Prime Minister of Japan, since 1954 and that Nakasone introduced Yuriko Koike to him, a student at that time, as the daughter of his friend. Hatem took care of Koike. Koike called Hatem a god-father, and he gave Koike an allowance of 14 Egyptian pounds a month (Koike wrote on page 250 of “Furisode Climbing the Pyramid"" that she received a scholarship of 12 pounds a month from the Egyptian government)."

    Abdel-Kader Hatem與中曾根康弘
    Abdel-Kader Hatem with Yasuhiro Nakasone

    "另一方面,小池於1985年出版的書《音譯:Onna女性 no 的Jinmyaku-Zukuri人脈建立 ((我如何以女人的身分經營人脈關係)》指出,她的父親(小池裕郎)很早就認識中曾根。她本人是在小學時代即已見到中曾根,在每個冬天,中曾根都向家人送去了一堆在中曾根選舉區群馬縣產的韭菜,並與他的兄弟一起吃了。
    On the other hand Koike's book, ""Onna no Jinmyaku-Zukuri (How I made personal connections as a woman)"" published in 1985 states that her father (Yujiro Koike) had known Nakasone for a long time. She herself first met Nakasone when she was an elementary school student, every winter Nakasone sent her family a bunch of leeks produced in Gunma prefecture, Nakasone’s electoral district, and she ate them with his* brother." 🌐*Chenchen註:應該是She ate them with HER brother.,,

    1973年10月6日,埃及爆發了十月戰爭(Yom Kippur War)。 埃及和敘利亞軍隊對部署在蘇伊士運河和戈蘭高地的以色列部隊發動了進攻,試圖奪回1967年六日戰爭(六月戰爭)中以色列佔領的領土。
    🌐Chenchen註:這是知名的第四次以阿戰爭,後來引發第一次石油危機,各界認為這是阿拉伯國家在二戰之後,第一次聯手反對西方帝國主義。維基百科:贖罪日戰爭,又稱第四次以阿戰爭、齋月戰爭、十月戰爭...起源於埃及與敘利亞分別攻擊六年前被以色列佔領的西奈半島和戈蘭高地。戰爭的頭一至兩日埃敘聯盟佔了上風,但此後戰況逆轉。至第二周,敘軍退出戈蘭高地。在西奈,以軍在兩軍之間攻擊,越過原來的停火線蘇伊士運河。直到聯合國停火令生效為止,以軍甚至包圍了埃及的主力部隊。 https://zh.m.wikipedia.org/zh-tw/%E8%B4%96%E7%BD%AA%E6%97%A5%E6%88%B0%E7%88%AD

    On 6 October 1973, the October War (Yom Kippur War) broke out in Egypt. Egyptian and Syrian forces launched an attack on Israeli forces deployed in the Suez Canal and Golan Heights in an attempt to recapture territory occupied by Israel in the Six Day War (June War) in 1967.

    "為了支持埃及和敘利亞,阿拉伯石油輸出國組織(OAPEC)將石油價格提高了1.4倍,並引發了第一次石油危機。 日本被OAPEC視為“不友好”國家之一,由於採取了削減石油供應的措施,日本遭受了經濟危機。 日本政府派副首相三木武夫和前外交大臣小坂健太郎等人前往沙烏地阿拉伯,埃及和阿爾及利亞,要求這些國家將日本改變為“友好國家”類別(所謂的“石油乞討外交”)。 。
    In support of Egypt and Syria, the Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC), raised oil prices by 1.4 times and caused the First Oil Crisis. Japan was considered one of the ""unfriendly"" countries by OAPEC and suffered an economic crisis as a result of measures to cut oil supplies. The Japanese government sent Deputy Prime Minister Takeo Miki and former Foreign Minister Zentaro Kosaka and others to Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Algeria to ask those countries to change Japan to a ""friendly country"" category (the so-called ""oil begging diplomacy"")."

    (待續...或是直接點原文連結)
    https://jbpress.ismedia.jp/articles/-/60643

  • aforementioned中文 在 Alexander Wang 王梓沅英文 Facebook 的最佳貼文

    2020-04-30 11:33:20
    有 343 人按讚

    【10,000 篇 Biz Emails、學術寫作的體悟:提升英語寫作力,9成台灣學生還差這 3 件事。。。】

    在批改台灣學生超過 10,000 篇的不管是「商業書信」、「學術寫作」、還是「檢定考試」的議論文寫作之後,我發現我們最常碰到的寫作問題為:

    1️⃣ 賓大華頓商學院教授 Adam Grant 曾經說過:Unclear writing implies unclear thinking. 如果我們中文也說得不清楚或不合邏輯,英文寫作當然反映的只是整體寫作表達的問題。很多時候在編修文章時,不要 bark up the wrong tree (怪到錯的源頭)。問題可能不是英文,很多時候是我們根本還沒想好、理好思緒。

    例(a):我們在敘述的是 phenomenon (現象)、problem (問題)、issue (議題)、dilemma (兩難)、controversy (爭議)、observation (觀察)、還是 situation (狀況)? 每個詞彙所代表的意涵不同,不是隨便挑一個用即可。

    例(b): They complained about the service. 跟 They complained about the bad service. 哪句話邏輯較合理呢?

    2️⃣ 英文寫作的過程,不是只是把想要說的話用字堆砌出來。想到哪,就寫到哪。英文的每一個字很多候都有相對應要求的文法規範或詞語搭配規範,一定要也符合。不注意這些規範,會讓讀我們寫作的人,讀得很辛苦才能找到要點。

    (Before) He committed to find the cure about the disease.

    (After) He has committed himself to finding the cure for the disease.

    ✔︎ 只是小小的調整,但有大大的差異。

    3️⃣ 寫作不是把一句話一句話中翻英出來,更是「一句話提供條件給下一句話的過程」。如何讓句跟句之間有文意、邏輯緊密度,從1句發展到2句、2句發展到5句、從1段到1頁,從1頁到1份,才是寫作的過程 (不然只是ㄧ句沒有上下文的中翻英)。

    在寫作時我們常常要問自己:我上句跟下句之間,有沒有缺什麼要銜接的內容。這樣的內容可能是:

    ✔︎ more precisely, (更確切地)
    ✔︎ more specifically, (更細地說)
    ✔︎ Importantly, (特別重要、值得強調地)
    ✔︎ In other words, (也就是說)
    ✔︎ Under these circumstances, (在這樣的狀況之下)
    ✔︎ Against this backdrop, (在這樣的背景之下)

    有時缺的甚至是:
    ✔︎ To overcome this limitation...(為了克服這樣的限制)
    ✔︎ In light of the urgent need, (有鑒於這樣的急迫需求)
    ✔︎ In response to the request, (為了因應這樣的要求)
    ✔︎ Because of the aforementioned policy, (因為前述的政策)
    ✔︎ In meeting this requirement, (在符合這樣的需求之中)

    要真的「從閱讀當中,學習寫作技巧」,40 年科學研究顯示,「窄式閱讀」(大量閱讀同一主題的文章、書) 比廣泛閱讀 (大量閱讀不同主題的文章) 還要更有效 (Ellis, 2008; Han, 2010; Park, 2014).

    在我的線上課程當中,我會帶你學習「窄式學習」的方法。讓你今後學習英文不再受限於教材、媒介 (what),因為你已變成一個知道「怎麼學」(how) 的終極學習者!

    ✔︎ 全球唯一,窄式學習線上課程連結:https://bit.ly/3dzs608 (限時6折)

  • aforementioned中文 在 コバにゃんチャンネル Youtube 的精選貼文

    2021-10-01 13:19:08

  • aforementioned中文 在 大象中醫 Youtube 的最佳貼文

    2021-10-01 13:10:45

  • aforementioned中文 在 大象中醫 Youtube 的最佳貼文

    2021-10-01 13:09:56

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