[爆卦]2021猴幾歲是什麼?優點缺點精華區懶人包

雖然這篇2021猴幾歲鄉民發文沒有被收入到精華區:在2021猴幾歲這個話題中,我們另外找到其它相關的精選爆讚文章

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2021猴幾歲 在 BusinessFocus | 商業、投資、創科平台 Instagram 的最佳解答

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《疫情下的反思—共病時代 下》 ⁡ ❙ 投稿文章 ⁡ 投稿作家|劉諺昀、鄭凱薰 校正|翁歆媃 ⁡ - ⁡ ❙ 當前已發生的人畜共患病 ⁡ 根據2016年聯合國環境規劃署的報告指出:「人畜共患疾病在全球呈上升趨勢,構成嚴重公共衛生風險。人類所有的新興傳染病中,有75%是人畜共患疾病,而這類疾病的產生與...

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在家的日子快過到不知猴年馬月,昨天才驚覺這一晃眼2021又只剩下一半了。 ⁡ 真快呀,怎麼又得長大半歲了呢?! ⁡ - ⁡ 待在家不能趴趴走的這一個半月裡,每天固定進行的活動除了跟歐咩咩、跟手機對看外;我還幫自己訂下了一週運動五天的目標。 ⁡ 其實我一直都不是個熱愛運動的人,再加上淺眠又難睡,晚上對...

  • 2021猴幾歲 在 Facebook 的最佳解答

    2021-09-12 13:47:14
    有 149 人按讚

    [記得四哥發哥都已見過面。後來榮升主角太突然](*)Dear, write some god damn thing

    TLDR:下個月開始,《信報財經月刊》有我。記得買。

    1. 我有無數咁多古怪嘅寫作習慣。其中一個唔少人知,就係我篇文寫乜都未知,幾時會有都未知,但一早會有個題。例如我篇《楊枝甘露的誕生》,聽講係愛情小說,寫咗廿幾年只係得個題。《第一次的親密接觸》嘅作者痞子蔡都有呢個習慣,小說一定有咗個題先,然後先寫。

    2. 我更進一步,十幾廿年前已經會有個題,等件事發生。好似門捷列夫個元素週期表咁(Periodic table,啲化學畀返晒老師未?)。同你估嘅唔同,當年佢整個表嗰時,唔係列晒1—100出嚟,當時唔少元素根本未被發現。但佢一早留定位,知道會有一個咁特性嘅元素,一直都在,只等你發現。後來果然後人就發現到嗰啲元素,性質同佢預期嘅差不多一樣,成件事實在型到不得了(**)

    3. 當然我唔係門捷列夫,我不能確定呢一日會發生。可能十年,三十年,甚至死嗰日都唔會有。因為涉及太多嘢。但總之,呢篇文個題,係我好多年前已經諗的,just in case.而家就可以解封了。

    4. 忘掉那一天,記不起是那年,但應該係好早期,我甚至未做金融。有一年,我在書展,見到有個唔靚仔嘅瘦皮猴,推銷緊佢本新書,好似唔太多人理佢。佢話可以幫我簽名

    5. 嗰個,就係龔耀輝。

    6. 後來嘅事,係我開始打銀行工,開始睇《信報》。一來公司有,二來Reuters部機上面有。

    7. You are what you read,最早期我可能受陶傑張小嫻影響,後來我就受游清源影響。金融方面,當然就係睇《信報》時,蔡東豪同龔耀輝。

    8. 等我懷念下當年,circa 2004 -2006,我在美國銀行大廈返工(蕉行嘛)(***),閒唔時就係睇下《信報》,就係睇佢幾位老哥。當時我成日午餐就在和記大廈(已拆)間星巴克,記得嗰時個姐姐認得我,我漏低咗嘢幫我keep住,仲手寫住我個名(星巴克姐姐知你個名有幾奇?我又唔會用假名)。硬係覺得嗰時嘅人心好啲,星巴克啲女都靚啲。定只係嗰時後生,入世未深?

    9. 無論如何,嗰時我就心諗。嘩,幾時有一日到我會寫《信報》?

    10. 至少在2000年時,我已經發夢在報紙在專欄作家。當時厚著面皮厚著包皮咁電郵某人請教,仲畀佢第日在專欄串我。但,佢講得冇錯嘅係,write some god damn thing(唔係原文).呢個亦係我而家叫啲小朋友做嘅嘢。

    11. 時間飛到去大約十年前,《信報》搞咗個「動筆動思考」嘅東西。作家培瞓,或者當搵新血咁。當時我在耆英已撈得不錯,但寫作嘅事業,等於零。

    12. 而去到呢個位,我實在so gay都要講。我大學年代識嘅嗰位網友,已經實現咗自己嘅夢想(算係?),在有線講咗波好多年。佢點入行架呢?正係參加咗有線嘅比賽。我仲要係睇住嗰場比賽,甚至記得佢係講曼聯對車路士。舊年同佢食飯講起,佢當然完全唔記得呢件事。

    13. 不能話受佢影響,因為當時佢已經講咗好多年。但總之,「動筆動思考」壇嘢,我就覺得自己都係要write some god damn thing,寫咗篇文去。三十歲那日不要臉,參加了挑戰

    14. 有圖有真相,我都唔知我仲keep住呢個email

    15. 結果?我有個朋友入圍(唔係寫金融的),本人當然名落孫山。明顯寫得未夠好,或者緣份未到。

    16. 又或者,係未夠努力。

    17. 當年某評審睇咗我篇文,問我有冇啲正經啲嘅(陰功,我以為嗰篇已經好正經!)。正常真係好飢饑嘅人,應該會寫多篇。但我好似只係回佢:冇喎,這是我的風格。(唔肯定有冇第二句)

    18. 咁,who cares你咩風格?邊位?

    19. 況且,Let’s be frank,機會成本。我由中學開始已經鍾意寫嘢,但畢竟你鍾意唱歌同你去紅館開演唱會係兩回事,你鍾意踢波同你去咗奧脫福踢一隊又係兩回事。

    20. 正如上面講,當時我在耆英都撈得不錯。當然都熱愛寫作,但我都熱愛空姐(誰不愛),但我總不會日日走去約空姐,對不?唔使返工咩。咁我摶上位升職加人工緊要,定寫文緊要?

    21. 你可以話即係我未夠熱愛,或者寫得未夠好,總之whatever,就又過咗十幾年。媽的,人生有幾多個十幾年?

    22. 但生命嘅嘢真係唔係一條直線,卒之2021年,《信報財經月刊》,搵我寫嘢!

    23. 我唔記得係「四哥」定「發哥」講(懶FC了),當年《信報》搵佢寫文,佢嘅反應係「𦧲飯應」(原文照錄)。亦係我早兩星期嘅心情。

    24. 講多無謂,write some god damn thing.稿已交,講日本股票。10月頭會出版,到時記得買。最開心係佢地可以畀我寫三千字。

    25. 當然啦,如今我四十看從前,枝筆已鬆軟。「四哥」「發哥」都冇再在《信報》寫文。但唔緊要,依然仲有好多好嘅作者。唔係講我啦。你也可以是孔少林,我們都是原復生。

    26. 彩蛋:當年,2006,唔知「四哥」定「發哥」在《信報》,貼中意大利拎冠軍,鳩威咗一排。今年,2021年,本人一樣貼中意大利拎冠軍!固然都係七分好彩,但,至少寫波,我就應該勝過「四哥」「發哥」了。

    27. 彩蛋二:居然畀我搵得返當年掟去嗰兩篇稿,不如遲下貼上嚟?而家睇返,「都唔係真係咁差啫」,「咪同我而家啲文差不多」。證明我過去十幾年都冇乜進步過,但可能啲讀者品味越嚟越低,造就我都有人睇。又或者「四哥」「發哥」等等收晒山,池中無魚蝦自大,廖化作先鋒咁。

    (*)都係鍾意高登改版多啲。「記得飯島 松島 都已見過面 後來榮升主角太突然」。原諒我騎劫咗一個應該相當文藝中產嘅post,但,唔通中產文青唔睇AV?早兩年我去到松島(牛舌!)打卡亦都係貼呢句歌詞。不過in case anyone care,我係既唔睇飯島,亦唔睇松島嘅。甚至三上悠亞 波多野結衣我都係唔睇的。懶係唔跟主流嘛,由呢啲嘢都睇得出。但又不過,你見我買股票又係買返 Facebook Microsoft 等等,主流到唔主流,所以唔好輕易將 「平時嘅口味」同投資嘅性格撈埋嚟講。正如跑馬拉松嘅人,未必買股票有恒心。運動員在場上可以受壓,可以超高心理質素,但唔等於唔會有心理問題,唔會亂買嘢傾家蕩產。世界唔係咁簡單

    (**)好多書有講,例如呢本(https://bityl.co/8eCm)

    (***)無獨有偶,嗰時我去耆英證券見工,都係嗰度!仲要係樓上!「所以唔使請假見工」。最正係我take咗佢地offer嗰日,放工就撞到後來嘅鬼頭上司同我一齊迫電梯。

    ==============
    已烴2000人訂!多謝大家!Two thousand people can't be wrong!(扯,幾百萬人冇訂添!).下一個目標當然係攞你命3000!

    ==============
    月頭訂最抵!一週年!比別人知得多。subscribe now(https://bityl.co/4Y0h)。Ivan Patreon,港美市場評點,專題號外,每日一圖,好文推介。每星期6篇,月費100. 畀年費仲有85折,20/40年費VIP 送本人著作一本。

  • 2021猴幾歲 在 黃浩銘 Raphael Wong Facebook 的最讚貼文

    2021-08-20 15:40:15
    有 1,769 人按讚

    毋忘五大訴求 公民抗命有理
    —10‧20九龍遊行陳情書
    (案件編號:DCCC 535/2020)

    ——————————————————
    「毋忘初衷,活在愛和真實之中」
    撐阿銘,即訂閱Patreon:
    patreon.com/raphaelwong
    —————————————————

    胡法官雅文閣下:

      2012年,我第一次站在法庭上承認違反「公安惡法」,述說對普選的盼望,批評公安惡法不義,並因公民抗命的緣故,甘心樂意接受刑罰。當年我說,如果小圈子選舉沒有被廢除,惡法沒有消失,我依然會一如故我,公民抗命,並且我相信將會有更多學生和市民加入這個行列。想不到時至今日,普選仍然遙遙無期,我亦再次被帶到法庭接受審判,但只是短短7年,已經有數十萬計的群眾公民抗命,反對暴政。今日,我承認違反「未經批准的政府」所訂立「未經批准的惡法」之下的「未經批准集結」罪,我不打算尋求法庭的憐憫,但請容許我佔用法庭些微時間陳情,讓法庭在判刑前有全面考慮。

    暴力之濫觴

      在整個反修例運動如火如荼之際,我正承擔另一宗公民抗命案件的刑責。雖然身在獄中,但仍然心繫手足。我在獄中電視機前見證6月9日、6月16日及8月18日三次百萬港人大遊行,幾多熱愛和平的港人冒天雨冒彈雨走上街頭,抗議不義惡法,今日關於10月20日的案件,亦是如此。可能有人會問,政府已在6月暫緩修例,更在9月正式撤回修例,我等仍然繼續示威,豈非無理取鬧?我相信法官閣下肯定聽過「遲來的正義並非正義」(Justice delayed is justice denied)這句格言。當過百萬群眾走上街頭,和平表達不滿的時候,林鄭政府沒有理睬,反而獨行獨斷,粗暴踐踏港人的意願,結果製造出後來連綿不絕的爭拗,甚至你死我活的對抗。經歷眾多衝突痛苦之後,所謂暫緩撤回,已經微不足道,我們只是更加清楚:沒有民主,就連基本人權都不會擁有!

      在本案之中,雖然我們都沒有鼓動或作出暴力行為,但根據早前8‧18及10‧1兩宗案件,相信在控方及法庭眼中,案發當日的暴力事件仍然可以算在我們頭上,如此,我有必要問:如果香港有一個公平正義的普及選舉,人民可以在立法會直接否決他們不認可的法律,試問2019年的暴力衝突可以從何而來呢?如果我們眼見的暴力是如此十惡不赦,那麼我們又如何看待百萬人遊行後仍然堅持推行惡法的制度暴力呢?如果我們不能接受人民暴力反抗,那麼我們是否更加不能對更巨大更壓逼的制度暴力沈默不言?真正且經常發生的暴力,是漠視人民訴求的暴力,是踐踏人民意見的暴力,是剝奪人民表達權利的暴力。真正憎恨暴力,痛恨暴力的人,不可能一方面指摘暴力反抗,又容忍制度暴力。如果我需要承擔和平遊行引發出來的暴力事件的刑責,那麼誰應該承擔施政失敗所引發出來的社會騷亂的罪責呢?

    社會之病根

      對於法庭而言,可能2019年所發生的事情只是一場社會騷亂,務必追究違法者個人責任。然而,治亂治其本源,醫病醫其病根,我雖然公民抗命,刻意違法,控方把我帶上法庭,但我卻不應被理解為一個「犯罪個體」。2019年所發生的事情,並不是我一個人或我們這幾位被告可以促成,社會問題的癥結不是「犯罪份子」本身,而是「犯罪原因」。我明白「治亂世用重典」的道理,但如果「殺雞儆猴」是解決方法,就不會在2016年發生旺角騷亂及2017年上訴庭對示威者施以重刑後,2019年仍然會爆發出更大規模的暴力反抗。

    如果不希望社會動亂,就必須正本清源,逐步落實「五大訴求」,從根本上改革,挽回民心。2019年反修例運動,其實只是2014年雨傘運動的延續而已,縱使法庭可能認為兩個運動皆是「一股歪風」所引起,但我必須澄清,兩個運動的核心就是追求民主普選,人民當家作主。在2019年11月24日區議會選舉這個最類近全民普選的選舉中,接近300萬人投票,民主派大勝,奪得17個區議會主導權,這就是整個反修例運動的民意,民意就是反對政府決策,反對制度暴力,反對推行惡法,不容爭辯,不辯自明。我們作為礦場裡的金絲雀,多次提醒政府撤回修法,並從根本上改革制度,而在10月20日的九龍遊行當然是反映民意的平台契機。如今,法庭對我們施加重刑,其實只不過是懲罰民意,將金絲雀困在鳥籠之內,甚至扼殺於鼓掌之中,窒礙表達自由。

    堅持之重要

      大運動過後的大鎮壓,使我們失去《蘋果日報》,失去教協,失去民陣,不少民主派領袖以及曾為運動付出的手足戰友都囚於獄中,不少曾經熱情投入運動的朋友亦因《國安法》的威脅轉為低調,新聞自由示威自由日漸萎縮,公民社會受到沈重打擊,我亦失去不少摯友,有感傷孤獨的時候,但我仍然相信,2019年香港人的信念,以及所展現人類的光輝持久未變。我不會忘記百萬人民冒雨捱熱抗拒暴政,抵制惡法,展現我們眾志成城;我不會忘記人潮紅海,讓道救護車,展現我們文明精神;我不會忘記年青志士直接行動反對苛政,捨身成仁,展現我們膽色勇氣;我不會忘記銀髮一族走上街頭保護年青人,展現我們彼此關懷;我不會忘記「五大訴求」,不會忘記2019年區議會選舉,展現我們有理有節。

      法官閣下,我對於當日的所作所為,不感羞恥,毫無悔意。我能夠在出獄後與群眾同行一路,與戰友同繫一獄,實是莫大榮幸。若法治失去民主基石,將使法庭無奈地接受專制政權所訂立解釋的法律限制,隨時變成政治工具掃除異見,因此爭取民主普選,建設真正法治,追求公平正義,仍然是我的理想。在這條路上,如有必要,我仍然會公民抗命,正如終審法院海外非常任法官賀輔明(Lord Hoffmann)所言,發自良知的公民抗命有悠久及光榮的傳統,歷史將證明我們是正確的。我期望,曾與我一起遊行抗命的手足戰友要堅持信念,在艱難歲月裡毋忘初衷,活在愛和真實之中。

      最後,如9年前一樣,我想借用美國民權領袖馬丁路德金牧師的一番話對我們的反對者說:「我們將以自己忍受苦難的能力,來較量你們製造苦難的能力。我們將用我們靈魂的力量,來抵禦你們物質的暴力。對我們做你們想做的事吧,我們仍然愛你們。我們不能憑良心服從你們不公正的法律,因為拒惡與為善一樣是道德責任。將我們送入監獄吧,我們仍然愛你們。」(We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you.)

      願慈愛的主耶穌賜我們平安,與我和我一家同在,與法官閣下同在,與香港人同在。沒有暴徒,只有暴政;五大訴求,缺一不可!願榮耀歸上帝,榮光歸人民!

    第五被告
    黃浩銘
    二零二一年八月十九日

    Lest we forget the five demands: civil disobedience is morally justified
    - Statement on 10‧20 Kowloon Rally
    (Case No.: DCCC 535/2020)

    Your Honour Judge Woodcock

    In 2012, I stood before the court and admitted to violating the "Public Security Evil Law". I expressed my hope for universal suffrage, criticized the evil law as unjust, and willingly accepted the penalty for civil disobedience. Back then, I said that if the small-circle election had not been abolished and the draconian law had not disappeared, I would still be as determined as I was, and I believe that more students and citizens would join this movement. Today, universal suffrage is still a long way off, and I have been brought before the court again for trial. But in just seven years, hundreds of thousands of people have already risen up in civil disobedience against tyranny. Today, I plead guilty to "unauthorised assembly" under an unapproved evil law enacted by an unauthorised government. I do not intend to seek the court's mercy, but please allow me to take up a little time in court to present my case so that the court can consider all aspects before sentencing me.

    The roots of violence

    At the time when the whole anti-extradition law movement was in full-swing, I was taking responsibility for another civil disobedience case. Although I was in prison, my heart was still with the people. I witnessed the three million-person rallies on 9 June, 16 June and 18 August on television in prison, when many peace-loving people took to the streets despite the rain and bullets, to protest against unjust laws. Some people may ask, "The Government has already suspended the legislative amendments in June and formally withdrew the bill in September, but we are still demonstrating, are we not being unreasonable?" I am sure your Honour has heard of the adage "Justice delayed is justice denied". When more than a million people took to the streets to express their discontent peacefully, the Lam administration ignored them and instead acted arbitrarily, brutally trampling on the wishes of the people of Hong Kong, resulting in endless arguments and even confrontations. After so many conflicts and painful experiences, the so-called moratorium is no longer meaningful. We only know better: without democracy, we cannot even have basic human rights!

    In this case, although we did not instigate or commit acts of violence, I believe that in the eyes of the prosecution and the court, the violence on the day of the incident can still be counted against us, based on the August 18 and October 1 case. And now I must ask - If Hong Kong had a fair and just universal election, and the public could directly veto laws they did not approve of at the Legislative Council, then how could the violent clashes of 2019 have come about? If the violence we see is so heinous, how do we feel about the institutional violence that insists on the imposition of draconian laws even after millions of people have taken to the streets? If we cannot accept violent rebellion, how can we remain silent in the face of even greater and more oppressive institutional violence? The true and frequent violence is the kind of violence that ignores people's demands, that tramples on their opinions, that deprives them of their right to express themselves. People who truly hate violence and abhor it cannot accuse violent resistance on the one hand and tolerate institutional violence on the other. If I have to bear the criminal responsibility for the violence caused by the peaceful demonstration, then who should bear the criminal responsibility for the social unrest caused by failed administration?

    The roots of society's problems

    From a court's point of view, it may be that what happened in 2019 was just a series of social unrest, and that those who broke the law must be held personally accountable. What happened in 2019 was not something that I alone or the defendants could have made possible, and the crux of the social problem was not the 'criminals' but the 'causes of crime'. I understand the concept of " applying severe punishment to a troubled world", but if "decimation" was really the solution, there would not have been more violent rebellions in 2019 after the Mongkok "riot" in 2016 and the heavy sentences handed down to protesters by the Court of Appeal in 2017.

    If we do not want social unrest, we must get to the root of the problem and implement the "five demands" step by step, so as to achieve fundamental reforms and win back the hearts of the people. 2019's anti-revision movement is indeed a continuation of 2014's Umbrella Movement, and even though the court may think that both movements are caused by a "perverse wind", I must clarify that the core of both movements is the pursuit of democracy and universal suffrage, and the people being the masters of their own house. In the District Council election on 24 November 2019, which is the closest thing to universal suffrage, nearly 3 million people voted, and the democratic camp won a huge victory, winning majority in 17 District Councils. As canaries in the monetary coal mine, we have repeatedly reminded the government to withdraw the extradition bill and fundamentally reform the system, and the march in Kowloon on 20 October was certainly an opportunity to reflect public opinion. Now, by imposing heavy penalties on us, the court is only punishing public opinion, trapping the canaries in a birdcage, or even stifling them in the palm of their hands, suffocating the freedom of expression.

    The importance of persistence

    As a result of the crackdown after the mass movement, we lost Apple Daily, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union, and the Civil Human Rights Front. Many of our democratic leaders and comrades who had contributed to the movement were imprisoned, and many of our friends who had been passionately involved in the movement had been forced to lay low under the threat of the National Security Law. I still believe that the faith of Hong Kong people and the glory of humanity seen in 2019 will remain unchanged. I will never forget the millions of people who braved the rain and the heat to resist tyranny and evil laws, demonstrating our unity of purpose; I will never forget the crowds of people who gave way to ambulances, demonstrating our civility; I will never forget the young people who sacrificed their lives, demonstrating our courage and bravery; I will never forget the silver-haired who took to the streets to protect the youth, demonstrating our care for each other; I will never forget the "five demands" and the 2019 District Council election, demonstrating our rationality and decency.

    Your Honour, I have nothing to be ashamed of and no remorse for what I did on that day. It is my great honour to be in prison with my comrades and to be able to walk with the public after my release. If the rule of law were to lose its democratic foundation, the courts would have no choice but to accept the legal restrictions set by the autocratic regime and become a political tool to eliminate dissent at any time. As Lord Hoffmann, a non-permanent overseas judge of the Court of Final Appeal, said, civil disobedience from the conscience has a long and honourable tradition, and history will prove us right. I hope that my comrades in arms who walked with me in protests will keep their faith and live in love and truth in the midst of this difficult time.

    Finally, as I did nine years ago, I would like to say something to those who oppose us, borrowing the words of American civil rights leader Reverend Martin Luther King: "We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you."

    Peace be with me and my family, with Your Honour, and with the people of Hong Kong. There are no thugs, only tyranny; five demands, not one less! To god be the glory and to people be the glory!

    The Fifth Defendant
    Wong Ho Ming
    19 August 2021

  • 2021猴幾歲 在 DJ Mykal a.k.a.林哲儀 Facebook 的最讚貼文

    2021-08-06 21:27:13
    有 517 人按讚

    #居家華語派對房 久違地重回FB直播,生日趴一次限定!!!(前面幾分鐘聲音有雜訊請見諒)

    #我從小聽哲儀的音樂長大

    第一次臨(斷)檢(訊)前曲目如下:

    1. 伍佰/再來一杯
    2. 姜育恒/跟往事乾杯
    3. 光良/童話
    4. 比莉/心腸
    5. 伍佰 & China Blue/被動
    6. 小安/浪費愛情
    7. 王菲/執迷不悔
    8. 羅大佑 Lo TaYou/野百合也有春天
    9. 陳綺貞 Cheer Chen/太陽
    10. 張震嶽 ayal komod/路口
    11. 田馥甄 Hebe/寂寞寂寞就好
    12. 路嘉欣 (Chia-Hsin LU)/黑色天空
    13. 劉若英 Rene Liu & 黃立行分開旅行
    14. 盧凱彤/你根本不是我的誰
    15. Beyond/喜歡妳
    16. LMF/揸緊中指
    17. 滅火器 Fire EX./無名英雄
    18. CHTHONIC 閃靈/皇軍Takao (DJ Mykal a.k.a.林哲儀 Mashup)
    19. 潑猴/我們的世代 (DJ Mykal a.k.a.林哲儀 Mashup)
    20. Trout Fresh/呂士軒, ØZI Julia Wu 吳卓源, Kumachan, B.C.W, Barry & Dwagie大支/走到飛 (DJ Mykal a.k.a.林哲儀 Mashup)
    21. DIGIHAI/少年吔,安啦!
    22. DJ MR.GIN/少年ㄟ安啦
    23. 齊秦/秋風夜雨
    24. 林冠吟/毀滅愛情
    25. 陳勢安 Andrew Tan/天后
    26. 陳奕迅/讓我留在你身邊
    27. 伍佰 & DJ Mykal a.k.a.林哲儀/重生
    28. Ekin Cheng 鄭伊健/友情歲月
    29. 蔡依林 Jolin Tsai/倒帶
    30. 方志耀/我一直以為
    31. 張雨生/以為你都知道
    32. 蔡藍欽/少男日記
    33. 朱頭皮音樂 pigheadskin music/和諧的夜晚 Oh-A-A (Joytopper Baseball Dance Party Edit)

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