2020年1月份節目歌單【好事自在Latte】

🎙1/31(五)
14:04:53你的微笑/F.I.R.飛兒樂團
14:09:05My Anata/陶吉吉
14:12:44Highway to Heaven/NCT 127
14:18:35彼個所在/魏如萱
14:23:33月光/黃靖倫
14:28:19You'd Be So Nice To Come/中島美嘉
14:35:55Whistle/Flo Rida
14:40:45你離開他了嗎/曾沛慈
14:47:50因為想念/CNBLUE-鄭容和
14:53:10沒有醜女人/順子

15:04:11心愛的再會啦/伍佰
15:09:35美麗、醜與我/獅子LION
15:14:01Lady Madonna/Love Psychedelico
15:21:20Labels or Love/Fergie
15:25:05BE WITH YOU/潘瑋柏/ AKON
15:32:25BREATHE/李遐怡 (LEE
15:37:01陪你一起老/品冠
15:43:55愛正在發生/邱勝翊(王子)
15:50:09Castle On The Hill/Ed Sheeran
15:54:23硬地女孩/潘嘉麗

16:03:55燃燒一瞬間/張清芳
16:08:21飄向北方/黃明志/王力宏
16:12:46將手伸進不安之中/槙原敬之
16:20:37日場夜場/莫文蔚
16:24:44Waiting For Tonight/Jennifer Lopez
16:33:25新寫的舊歌/李宗盛
16:39:36Day by day/As one
16:45:11不特別的很特別/劉思涵
16:50:44Beautiful Now/Zedd/Jon
16:54:09蕭灑小姐/蕭亞軒

☃️1/30(四)
14:04:48牛仔很忙/周杰倫
14:07:30生活炸彈/929
14:10:42Heartbeat/安立奎
14:17:49遊行即將開始/Hey! Say! JUMP
14:22:44星空戀曲/鄧福如
14:25:48Cybertruck/原子邦妮
14:32:21承認/辛曉琪
14:37:02Understand/Shawn Mendes
14:43:05給愛麗絲/熊仔
14:50:38愛愛/曹格
14:54:42Five/APINK

15:04:53最後一條歌/蘇明淵
15:10:02每天想你 /Standing Egg
15:14:25膽小鬼/梁詠琪
15:22:10主打歌/屁孩 Ryan/rgry/蔡佩軒
15:26:07Comeback/Kelly Rowland
15:33:40時光小偷/孫燕姿
15:38:24Say YES/Loco/PUNCH
15:43:06改變/張震嶽
15:50:28男子漢的浪漫/玖壹壹
15:54:34In Your Eyes/Kylie Minogue

16:03:56沒有人傻得像我/周慧敏
16:08:19因為有你/四個朋友
16:11:41NO PAIN, NO GAIN/可苦可樂
16:19:47I Am Here/P!nk
16:23:47皺眉頭/舒米恩
16:30:27拋物線Projectile/蔡健雅
16:35:30好時光/鄭俊日
16:41:03Jump 'n' Down /雞腿飯
16:49:23My First Love/Craig David
16:53:33其實也沒聊什麼/朱俐靜

🀄1/23(四)
14:02:37發財發福中國年/中國娃娃
14:07:23Viva La Megababes/Shampoo
14:10:36Ba Ba Ba/草蜢
14:18:20與你的天空/LELLE
14:21:45大逃殺/八三夭
14:30:57人間/王菲
14:35:36Falling/Harry Styles
14:40:31關你屁事/佛跳牆
14:49:09I Do/Rain
14:53:51嬉戲之後/蘇打綠

15:02:08港邊男兒/盧廣仲
15:06:43陌生人/Soler
15:10:43Happy Together/Simple Plan
15:18:28趕快打電話/糯米團
15:21:32Physical/Olivia Newton John
15:30:47鯨落/林采欣
15:34:59Because I Love You/Shakin' Stevens
15:39:19情歌卡拉OK/藍心湄
15:48:14Be Alright/高爾宣
15:51:25Tag Me/KIMBERLEY 陳芳語
15:53:52Baby/Clean Bandit

16:02:21相思成災/劉德華
16:07:00Universe/EXO
16:11:17給我你的手/弦子
16:18:31Dance Floor/溫嵐
16:22:05Just Dance/Lady Gaga
16:32:49聽見下雨的聲音/魏如昀
16:37:15太陽/德永英明
16:42:49同學會/MC HotDog/秦宇
16:51:16Family Party/卡莉怪妞
16:54:43無敵開心果/陳曉東

🏰1/22(三)
14:04:06I Love You Bon Bon/家家
14:07:41Ring! Ring! Ring!/Dreams Come True
14:15:45Me Gusta/SHAKIRA/Anuel AMe Gusta
14:18:51WOW/羅志祥/蕭亞軒
14:27:38Young And Beautiful/Lana Del Rey
14:31:29愛上每一個你/伍思凱
14:37:18天鵝說/Erika 劉艾立
14:46:27我答應你/動力火車
14:53:02Oh!/少女時代

15:04:03查某囡仔/李千那
15:08:54Baby Baby/曹奎燦
15:13:20咚咚鏘/方炯鑌
15:20:47慢走不送/J.Sheon/艾怡良
15:24:53Gimmie Dat/Ciara
15:34:15男人‧海洋/周傳雄
15:39:16memories /木村kaela
15:48:12Angel/Westlife
15:53:40沒在怕的/小春Kenzy

16:03:55朋友別哭/凡人二重唱/張宇
16:08:05有夢挺快樂/彭佳慧
16:11:34心意告示牌/AKB48
16:18:32Catch Your Double Eye/Bii畢書盡
16:21:50Jenny From The Block/Jennifer Lopez
16:30:16愚人碼頭/熊天平
16:35:19喉嚨啞了/鄭可強
16:40:30大叔/Matzka
16:50:19Up2U/孫燕姿
16:53:38Venus/No Angels

🐁1/21(二)
14:04:21不要不要(賀歲Remix)/卓文萱
14:09:04Holiday/DJ Antoine/Akon
14:15:55Nerdy Love/pH-1/白藝潾
14:19:09這樣的一個麻煩/陳奕迅
14:28:48紙人/楊永聰
14:33:48幸福不是情歌/劉若英
14:39:14Leann Rimes Megamix/LeAnn Rimes
14:49:39很自己/伍家輝
14:53:05貓中毒/手越增田

15:03:56阿公的眠床腳/江蕙
15:08:14童話/中 孝介
15:12:15飛人/黃奕儒
15:19:30Take Me Back/吳卓源/Yellow Claw/Corsak
15:22:13Born This Way/Lady Gaga
15:31:25趁早/張宇
15:37:28Genius/LSD
15:45:54還未說出口的話/FT ISLAND-李洪基
15:51:31歡迎光臨/自由發揮

16:04:03今生註定/高明駿/王馨平
16:08:11在呼喊妳的名字之後/槙原敬之
16:12:52我當你空氣/旺福
16:19:36在名為未來的波浪裡/原子邦妮
16:23:02Stronger/Kanye West
16:32:51懸日/田馥甄
16:38:20Life Is A Rollercoaster/Boyzone
16:49:26碰碰/王心凌
16:52:44Beautiful Hangover/BIGBANG

👻1/20(一)
14:04:58好想放假/蔡健雅
14:08:29Radio Romance/Tiffany
14:16:17怎麼可能忘了你/志銘與狸貓
14:20:11100種生活/盧廣仲
14:24:53The Best Thing About Me/Ricky Martin/JoMusica
14:34:02 腦公/蔡依林
14:37:57Nothing's Gonna Stop Us/Starship
14:47:09Something About Love/許孟哲
14:51:47Addicted To You/宇多田 光

15:04:59阿嬤的話/蕭煌奇
15:09:36稻草人/李遐怡
15:13:51愛又愛/By2
15:21:54給我一杯/余文樂
15:25:10Firework 煙火/Katy Perry
15:34:27飄洋過海來看你/劉明湘
15:40:10Dance In The Dark/嵐-松本 潤
15:47:15Never Too Late/Elton John
15:52:01聽海/張惠妹

16:04:50一世情緣/姜育恆
16:09:28暫時愛著我/戴愛玲
16:14:11Womanizer(/Lily Allen
16:20:35If You're Over Me/Years & Years
16:23:40友人說/林俊傑
16:32:49沒那麼簡單/黃小琥
16:37:49夜不成眠都為你/MISIA
16:44:15有理想/李榮浩
16:52:42天生你對/吳思賢
16:55:51Candy Boy/TWICE

💰1/17(五)
14:04:17Money On My mind/Sam Smith
14:07:26神奇/孫燕姿
14:11:42好運又快樂/Wentz
14:18:07節日快樂/楊丞琳
14:22:59你不知道的事/王力宏
14:32:52How We Do/Rita Ora
14:38:00手寫的從前/周杰倫
14:46:40希望你回來/TRASH
14:53:40Zimzalabim/Red Velvet

15:03:56有財神/董事長
15:07:36旺旺叫/旺福
15:11:41好想擁抱你/棒球熊
15:19:21歌頌者/吳青峰
15:24:18Careless Whisper/Katelyn
15:33:27為你瘋狂/T-ARA
15:37:47藍色眼睛/梁文音/麋先生
15:48:58Something Just Like This/The Chainsmokers/coldplay
15:54:08斷/太妃堂

16:04:03在你背影守候/辛曉琪
16:09:13不會結束的/BTOB
16:13:29那你呢/宇宙人
16:20:54KISS THE SKY/Jason Derulo
16:24:31Miss壞/周湯豪
16:34:00流沙/陶吉吉
16:37:57You Are So Beautiful/Babyface
16:42:19NA!NA!NA!/嵐
16:49:05海鷗先生我愛你/魏如萱
16:53:17Dangerous And Sweet/Lenka

🦚1/16(四)
14:04:54吃點心/Lulu黃路梓茵
14:07:52Only Lonely/S.H.E
14:11:43Bailamos跳舞吧!/Enrique
14:18:46TimeCamera/放浪一族
14:23:25一顆蘋果/小宇-宋念宇
14:32:42紙飛機/林憶蓮
14:37:22NOT LETTING GO/Jess Glynne
14:48:41永遠不回頭/柯震東/陳妍希/郝郡文/彎彎
14:53:48Million Reasons/Lady Gaga

15:04:02唱甲燒聲/許富凱
15:07:50少女們/AKB48
15:12:12當我們宅一塊/羅志祥
15:20:12是在哈囉/屁孩
15:23:15Don't Let Me Be Yours/Zara Larsson
15:31:31不完美/李玖哲
15:35:03被擋住的路/薔薇旅館
15:40:02征服/小男孩樂團
15:46:05Angel/Shaggy
15:51:33天高地厚/信

16:04:33傻瓜/蘇慧倫
16:08:17Hapi Hapi! Sunday!/月島KIRARIN
16:14:50跟你借的幸福/蔡健雅
16:19:40小時候的我們/周興哲
16:23:00Tender Love/EXO
16:32:06Girlfriend/Avril Lavigne
16:35:06Mickey/Toni Basil
16:40:12愛愛愛/方大同
16:49:01彼個所在/魏如萱
16:54:00Teenage Dream/Katy Perry

👒1/15(三)
14:04:09You Are My Baby/倪安東/陳漢典
14:07:17Shape Of You/Ed Sheeran
14:11:07差不多姑娘/鄧紫棋
14:18:49YUMMY/Justin Bieber
14:22:08於是長大了以後/謝和弦
14:30:58體面/于文文
14:35:30Can you celebrate?/德永英明
14:42:48不敗/吳建豪/俊昊
14:49:46HOLLYWOOD/James Blunt
14:53:03滑步向左-1/比莉

15:04:03春風戀情/萬芳/豬頭皮
15:08:19手牽手/Hey! Say! JUMP
15:12:48美麗新世界/陳惠婷
15:19:50可樂/林采欣
15:24:34Just the way you are/Bruno Mars
15:33:09Touch/Miss A
15:38:11永保安康/吳宗憲
15:47:56Sunflower, Vol. 6/Harry Styles
15:52:40愛你一兆年/旺福

16:03:56Rain/郭子
16:08:35懸日/田馥甄
16:15:53射手/MP 魔幻力量
16:19:46Milkshake/Red Velvet
16:28:13身騎白馬/徐佳瑩
16:34:27未確認飛行物體的少女/風味堂
16:46:59Don't cry Don't cry/魏如萱
16:51:35Listen To Your Heart/Roxette

🌫 1/14(二)
14:04:12死定了/自由發揮
14:07:47在樹上唱歌/郭靜
14:11:37OVERDOSE/三代目 J Soul登板廣臣
14:19:02Gone Days/Stray Kids
14:22:13經典!/蛋堡
14:31:32Somebody Loves You/Betty Who
14:36:05親人/丁噹
14:40:48太陽如常升起/梁靜茹
14:48:00No Vacancy/One Republic
14:52:46你就像個小孩/阿杜

15:03:56不通將阮放/孫淑媚
15:08:05The Water Is Wide/Karla Bonoff
15:12:55少女的祈禱/王心凌
15:18:57海洋/MC HotDog
15:23:05Jai Ho/Slumdog
15:32:18蔓延/許美靜
15:37:03小時候的我們/周興哲
15:41:31THE GREATEST SHOW/大娛樂家
15:49:19盲目的Cinderella/林曉培
15:53:44Honey/朴振英

16:04:02錯過你 錯過愛/張信哲/于台煙
16:08:14To Be Loved/Michael Buble
16:14:34Pieces/w-inds.
16:20:11樂高 Lego/鼓鼓
16:28:52永遠愛不完/郭富城
16:32:47Wrap Your Troubles In Dream/Emilie Claire
16:36:50早晨瑜伽/Matzka/小S
16:48:31Ophelia/魏如萱
16:53:40Goodness Gracious/Ellie Goulding

♣1/13(一)
14:04:08Music Hour/Porno
14:08:38管他什麼音樂/范曉萱/百分百
14:12:08Happily/One Direction
14:18:19Hello & Goodbye/閻奕格
14:21:43愛情電影/許茹芸/熊天平
14:25:37Love Story/Taylor Swift
14:34:04International Love/Pitbull/Chris
14:37:47MR.RIGHT/潘瑋柏
14:42:19熱帶雨林/S.H.E
14:49:31純屬意外/戴佩妮
14:54:05Unique/Lenka

15:04:03心情車站/任賢齊
15:09:39御守之歌/羊毛與千葉花
15:18:26Wrecking Ball/Miley Cyrus
15:21:58象牙塔/Faye 飛
15:29:06安靜/周杰倫
15:34:31我的人/朴寶劍
15:39:23絕/莫文蔚
15:48:48Bye Bye/Mariah Carey
15:53:07Healthy Party/許時

16:03:56奢求/堂娜
16:08:17I Love You So Much/朴容夏
16:11:54妄想/楊乃文
16:17:54I Need To Know/Marc Anthony
16:21:39Despacito/林俊傑/Luis
16:30:26類似愛情/蕭亞軒
16:35:00時光的腳步聲/可苦可樂
16:41:26Just My Imagination/Craig David
16:48:22陪著你/魏如萱
16:53:27Love Someone/Jason Mraz

🧁1/10(五)
14:05:02說走就走/周杰倫
14:09:19Not Fair/Lily Allen
14:12:37我是你的梁詠琪/梁詠琪
14:18:54已經結束的/張若凡
14:23:05起來/四分衛
14:33:30You Should Be Dancing/Bee Gees
14:37:37嘿/杜德偉
14:41:52愛情轉移/陳奕迅
14:50:49甜秘密/蔡依林
14:54:14Die Young/Ke$ha

15:04:05一步一腳印/蔡秋鳳
15:08:21One Step/嵐
15:12:53見習愛神/Twins
15:19:37我就是我/田亞霍
15:23:23Supergirl/Miss Papaya
15:31:48海浪/黃品源
15:37:07FOREVER YOUNG/BLACKPINK
15:48:19Queen/Shawn Mendes
15:52:48何必記念/莊鵑瑛

16:03:56我很醜 可是我很溫柔/趙傳
16:08:11我愛你/中島美嘉
16:16:31Remember The Name/Ed Sheeran
16:19:54皇后區的皇后/葛仲珊
16:28:01回來/張信哲
16:32:31Time Walking On Memories/Nell
16:38:41吻我吧/蕭敬騰
16:48:55批/蘇明淵
16:53:29Bye Bye Bye/N'Sync

☕️1/9(四)
14:04:10帶我去一個陽光普照的島嶼/艾怡良
14:08:05To The Sea/Jack Johnson
14:11:29Itsy Bitsy Teeny Weeny Yellow Polka Dot Bikini/T.I.V.C.
14:18:40Gravity/THE CHARM PARK
14:23:03背對背擁抱/林俊傑
14:31:52Uptown Girl/Westlife
14:36:49Do What I Do/陳嘉唯
14:41:05可愛的玫瑰花/辛曉琪
14:51:24壞女孩/Ella 陳嘉樺
14:54:47Amazing-Bad Lady/Cross Gene

15:04:03思慕的人/林俊逸
15:09:09愛情溫度計/飛鳥涼
15:13:17再看我一眼/周蕙
15:20:07Just The Two Of Us/Will Smith
15:25:20B.O./OZI/9m88
15:33:53頭號甜心/張韶涵
15:38:37When I Need You/Julio Iglesias
15:47:17離開我/陶晶瑩
15:53:49ONE SHOT, TWO SHOT/BoA

16:03:56對你的愛永遠多一點/黎明
16:08:03希望是永不沉睡的夢/Super Junior-圭賢
16:12:37今天愛了沒/愷樂
16:19:08Symphony/Zara Larsson
16:22:38午夜快車/女孩與機器人
16:31:11我多麼羨慕你/江美琪
16:37:27魔法地毯/QURULI
16:47:37趁錢以外/蘇明淵
16:52:41Mas/Ricky Martin

🍓1/8(三)
14:04:11夏日戀愛/棒棒堂
14:08:16當春紫苑盛開時/乃木板46
14:13:32遊樂/蘇打綠
14:20:20fine/Mike Shinoda
14:23:52愛情的盡頭/伍佰
14:35:02差不多先生/MC HotDog熱狗
14:40:33Diras Que Estoy Loco/Miguel Angel
14:48:06那一年，這一天/任賢齊/舒淇
14:53:01Everybody/SHINee

15:03:56孤女的願望/曾心梅
15:07:49愛情有你/陳漢典
15:10:58100萬年的幸福!!/桑田佳祐
15:18:43Can't Help Falling In Love/Richard Marx
15:22:15已經結束的/張若凡
15:26:27兩手空空/張震嶽
15:35:43Move/Little Mix
15:40:32流浪記/梁文音
15:50:36Gimme/GOT7
15:54:12單眼皮女生/中國娃娃

16:04:02纏綿/劉德華
16:08:28這該死的愛/李秀英
16:12:29認真就輸了/八三夭
16:18:40Sorry/Justin Bieber
16:21:57合拍/郭書瑤
16:29:51Only Human/K
16:36:39沒有醜女人/順子
16:48:11最後一條歌/蘇明淵
16:53:19Beautiful Trauma/P!nk

💘1/7(二)
14:04:10有事嗎?/大嘴巴
14:06:58Don't Start Now/Dua Lipa
14:09:56喬治克隆人/糯米團
14:17:30Nighty Night/Crush/Zion.T
14:21:07愛不來/方大同/葛仲珊
14:25:37地球藍調~337~/踢館高手
14:34:58Good Time/Paris Hilton
14:39:39戀上另一個人/游鴻明
14:49:28Dear John/回聲樂團Echo
14:53:54Breathless/The Corrs

15:04:03浪子回頭/茄子蛋
15:07:55我對自己開了一槍/佛跳牆
15:12:15Hollywood Tonight/Michael Jackson
15:19:31快樂為主/許慧欣
15:23:34Sexy,Free & Single/SUPER JUNIOR
15:32:05請珍重/羅大佑
15:37:40Miles Away/Madonna
15:46:52純白/小田和正
15:52:20Water/Indigo Soul

16:03:56女人花/梅艷芳
16:08:32四月後的離別/EXO-CHEN
16:12:55Sugar Sugar/李崗霖/陳思函
16:20:52Money Can't Buy You Love/吳卓源
16:24:39Closer/The Chainsmoker
16:33:24Falling/錦安
16:38:46It/安室奈美惠
16:49:20今仔日過了好就好/蘇明淵
16:53:25Verge/Owl City

🤖1/6(一)
14:04:11特務J/蔡依林
14:07:38Keen on disco/Infernal
14:16:48回憶是場孤單的重逢/張智成
14:20:55心動/林曉培
14:29:42不挑/潘裕文
14:33:35I'm Real/Jennifer Lopez
14:39:33曖昧/薛之謙
14:49:19就讓這首歌/張震嶽/熱狗+侯佩岑
14:52:58Downtown/Macklemore & Ryan Lewis

15:03:56明仔載/盧廣仲
15:07:19你好/AKMU 樂童音樂家
15:11:03天使的偏執/王心凌
15:20:02我是你的誰/黃立行
15:23:27This Kiss/Carly Rae Jepse
15:32:14一個人/中島美嘉
15:39:08別問我/韋禮安
15:49:06Con Calma/Daddy Yankee
15:53:12言不由衷/徐佳瑩

16:04:02為了愛 夢一生/王傑
16:08:30好朋友/張娜拉
16:12:53打勾勾/田亞霍
16:20:29辣台妹/頑童MJ116
16:24:52Thats What I Like/Bruno Mars
16:32:57已經結束的/張若凡
16:38:15One Love Wonderful World/平井堅
16:48:41善良的歹人/蘇明淵
16:53:06She Will Be Loved/Maroon 5

💎1/3(五)
2:04:50 PM嗡嗡嗡嗡/ 陳夢晨
2:08:39 PM狐狸/日向板46
2:12:12 PM青蘋果樂園/小虎隊
2:18:42 PM天黑請閉眼/陳零九/邱鋒澤
2:23:24 PMTime after time/Ronan Keating
2:32:38 PM即使妳離開我/2PM
2:36:47 PM布拉格廣場/蔡依林
2:47:01PMCountingStars/OneRepublic
2:52:22 PM三十而慄/郁可唯

3:04:40 PM真心換絕情/吳宗憲
3:09:34 PM海嘯/有里知花
3:15:35 PM憂傷少年陽光女孩/蘇運瑩
3:22:38 PMDon't You Want Me/Human League
3:26:25 PMD.I.S.C.O./溫嵐
3:34:54 PM一半/丁噹
3:39:14 PM首爾這裡/ROY KIM
3:42:53 PM先不要/陳漢典
3:50:40 PM比較浪漫/J.Sheon
3:53:54PMDJ Got Us Falling In Love Again/Usher/Pitbull

4:03:56 PM不要對他說/張信哲
4:08:37 PMHurricanes/Dido
4:13:38 PMT.O.U/林明禎
4:20:03 PM心絲蟲/noovy
4:23:08 PMWith Love/Hilary Duff
4:31:10 PM山丘/李宗盛
4:37:45 PM這個世界/眼球先生
4:42:18 PMPlease Don't Let Me Go/Olly Murs
4:50:32 PM9453/玖壹壹
4:53:44 PMGirls Just Wanna Have Fun/Miley Cyrus

♀1/2(四)
14:04:04Just Fine/Mary J. Blige
14:08:04暫時停止呼吸/鼓鼓
14:12:32搖勒搖勒/八三夭
14:19:08Turning Up/嵐
14:22:08喝采Bravo/5566
14:30:14我比誰都清楚/陳曉東
14:35:00失物招領/戴愛玲
14:40:48Make Me Feel/Janelle Monae
14:48:43我想我會/李建軒
14:54:01STEP/KARA

15:04:03臺北哪會攏嘸人/陳建瑋
15:08:16慎吾媽媽的早安搖滾/香取慎吾
15:15:33I Know Better/John Legend
15:18:29填空/家家
15:22:26惦惦好嗎/蕭閎仁
15:31:03Do You Love Me/2NE1
15:34:36我最搖擺/庾澄慶
15:39:46愛這件事情/傅又宣
15:48:46I Love You/Charice
15:52:54兜圈/林宥嘉

16:03:56最後一夜/蔡琴
16:08:48輕閉雙眼/平井堅
16:14:19小小的/思衛/鄭中基
16:20:57I Found You/Benny Blanco
16:24:04Party/葛仲珊
16:32:06愛我還是他/陶吉吉
16:36:48Universe/EXO
16:42:15你 知不知道/瑞瑪席丹
16:50:02HEY PEOPLE SAY/自由發揮
16:53:42Y.M.C.A/Village People

💗1/1(三)
14:04:25美麗新世界/S.H.E
14:09:22忍者棒棒/卡莉怪妞
14:18:33Free Time/Ruel
14:22:36Hey Boy/王詩安
14:30:40不曾回來過/李千娜
14:35:01最美的想念/小馬(倪子鈞)
14:39:40追求堅固愛情/迷你早安
14:48:17Come Get It Bae/Pharrell William
14:51:43浪費/徐佳瑩

15:03:56愛情探戈/白冰冰
15:09:03小小的勇氣/FUNKY
15:17:04如影隨形/江美琪
15:22:00在你離開後/褐眼超男子
15:32:16Party Days/魏如昀
15:35:56那個淑女的夜生活/東京事變
15:39:05信/熊仔/葉丙成
15:50:09尚好的青春/孫燕姿
15:54:30GOTTA BE SOMEBODY/SHAYNE WARD

16:04:03紅塵來去一場夢/巫啟賢
16:08:34Oh I.../SAKURA
16:16:25Complicated/Rihanna
16:20:42上位/邱勝翊(王子)
16:29:18想你一切都好/陳建年
16:35:05No More Cryin'/李玖哲
16:39:06This Is What You Came For/Calvin Harris
16:47:55Stole The Show/Kygo/Parson
16:51:44沒什麼不能愛/曾沛慈

#DJ荳子
#好事自在Latte
#好事989bestradio
#歌單

那個南方叫屏東
屏東的黑鮪魚好ㄘ(〃∀〃)

【2016，這就是台灣人想要的總統！】

「妳回北京以後，告訴他們，」蔡英文說：「台灣的下一任總統曾經為妳服務過。」

（“Go back to Beijing,” says Tsai, “and tell them you were served by the next President of Taiwan.”）

上面那段話，是這幾天來，最讓我感佩與震撼的一段話。那是蔡英文主席接受《TIME》雜誌專訪長文的結語，鏗鏘有力，也讓人無比動容...

2016，我希望我能有幸擁有這樣的總統，一股溫柔的力量，卻又充滿自信與霸氣，不慍不火、不卑不亢，而這正是台灣這個即將新生的島國，用來在世界永續立足，最需要的態度。

朋友們告訴我，昨天附上的《TIME》雜誌英漢對照翻譯文章，已經被下架了。對此，我真的感到非常遺憾。（更新消息：PTT貼文者並非原譯，因恐引起誤會而刪文。原譯文出自獨立記者Jessie Chen臉書，特此致謝。）

對於那篇連夜趕出的翻譯稿，也許不同立場的朋友，會有不同想法與批評。但對於譯者的熱心與用心，我只有發自內心的感激和敬佩。因此，我在網路上找到備份文章，再一次（無修改）分享給我的朋友們，需要的，就幫忙再傳播出去吧！

德不孤必有鄰，一位擅長漫畫的朋友，也默默傳了她關於那段「溫柔力量」談話的圖像詮釋。淡淡的畫風，彷彿原景重現，對我而言，那份感動，似乎又更深了一些...

有人以文字速譯向小英致敬、有人以圖像速寫向小英致敬──

而我，只能藉此臉書一角，向翻譯者、漫畫家，跟小英總統本人，獻上最誠心的祝福與感謝！

謝謝你們，讓台灣變成一個更好更美的地方。
　

──────────底下為英漢對照翻譯原文──────────

民進黨主席暨總統參選人蔡英文登上最新一期時代雜誌封面，標題是「她將可能領導華人世界唯一民主國家， She Could Lead The Only Chinese Democracy」。蔡主席是繼印度總理莫迪、印尼總統佐科威、韓國總統朴槿惠後，最新一位登上時代雜誌封面的亞洲領導人。

中英譯全文：

雜誌封面
She Could Lead the Only Chinese Democracy
And that makes Beijing nervous
她將可能領導華人世界唯一的民主國家
這讓北京感到緊張

目錄頁
Cover Story: Championing Taiwan
Presidential front runner Tsai Ing-wen wants to put the island’s interests first
封面故事：壯大台灣
總統大選領先者蔡英文要將台灣利益置於優先

內頁大標
‘The Next President Of Taiwan’
That’s how Tsai Ing-wen refers to herself. But will the island’s voters agree?
台灣的下一任總統
蔡英文是這樣認為。但是這座島嶼的選民會同意嗎？

內文
Emily Rauhala / 台北報導 Adam Ferguson / 攝影

Tsai Ing-wen is making breakfast. The presidential candidate cracks five eggs and lets them bubble with bacon in the pan. She stacks slices of thick, white toast. It’s a recipe adapted from British chef Jamie Oliver, but the ingredients, she can’t help but say, are pure Taiwan. The meat comes courtesy of Happy Pig, a farm near her spare but tasteful Taipei apartment, the bread from a neighborhood bakery. She offers me an orange. “Organic,” she says, in English. “And local, of course.”

蔡英文正在做早餐。這位總統候選人打了五個蛋，和著平底鍋裡面的培根一起吱吱作響，再把一片片白色的厚片土司疊起來。料理手法學自英國名廚傑米奧利佛（Jamie Oliver），但是她忍不住要說，烹調食材屬於最純粹的台灣原料。培根來自「快樂豬」農場，距離她那簡單卻有品味的公寓不遠，而麵包是從她家附近的烘培坊買來的。她遞了一顆橘子給我，用英文跟我說：「有機的！當然也是在地的。」

This is not an average breakfast for the 58-year-old lawyer turned politician running to become Taiwan’s next President—most days she grabs a coffee and books it to the car. But it is, in many ways, oh so Tsai. The Taipei-raised, U.S.- and U.K.-educated former negotiator wrote her doctoral thesis on international trade law. As a minister, party chair and presidential candidate (she narrowly lost to two-term incumbent Ma Ying-jeou in the 2012 race), Tsai gained a reputation for being wonky—the type who likes to debate protectionism over early-morning sips of black coffee or oolong tea.

對於這位58歲、從律師轉變成政治人物的總統候選人來說，這可不是她平常吃的早餐。她通常隨手抓一杯咖啡在車上喝。不過許多方面來說，這應該可以算是一貫的「蔡式」風格。這位在臺北長大、在英美留學過的談判專家，博士論文寫的是國際貿易法。在她當陸委 會主委、民進黨主席、總統候選人期間（她在2012年的總統大選中以些微差距輸給了馬英九總統），得到學院派的風評──她是那種喜歡在早上喝黑咖啡或烏龍茶時，跟你辯論保護主義的人。

Now, as the early front runner in Taiwan’s January 2016 presidential election, her vision for the island is proudly, defiantly, Taiwan-centric. Tsai says she would maintain the political status quo across the strait with China—essentially, both Taipei and Beijing agreeing to disagree as to which represents the one, true China, leaving the question of the island’s fate to the future. But Tsai wants to put Taiwan’s economy, development and culture first. While Ma and his government have pushed for new trade and tourism pacts with Beijing—China accounts for some 40% of Taiwan’s exports—Tsai aims to lessen the island’s dependence on the mainland by building global ties and championing local brands. “Taiwan needs a new model, ” she tells TIME.

現在，身為在2016年台灣總統大選中的領先者，蔡英文的願景充滿自信又堅定地強調以台灣為核心。蔡英文說她會維持兩岸的現狀──這指的是說臺北與北京彼此同意對於何者代表中國保留不同的認知（註明：這是時代雜誌記者的見解），並且把這個島嶼的命運留給未來決定。但，蔡英文想要將台灣的經濟、發展與文化置於首位。當馬英九和他的政府推動與中國的貿易及觀光協議時（中國占台灣出口的百分之四十），蔡英文希望加強與世界連結、扶植台灣品牌，以降低台灣對中國的依賴。她對時代雜誌說：「台灣需要一個新模式」。

Whether voters share her vision is a question that matters beyond Taipei. Taiwan is tiny, with a population of only 23 million, but its economy—powered by electronics, agriculture and tourism—ranks about mid-20s in the world by GDP size, with a GDP per capita about thrice that of China’s. Ceded by China’s Qing dynasty to Japan after the 1894–95 First Sino-Japanese War, colonized by Tokyo for half a century, then seized by Nationalist forces fleeing the Communists at the end of the Chinese civil war, Taiwan has long been a pawn in a regional great game. It is a linchpin for the U.S. in East Asia alongside Japan, South Korea and the Philippines, and, most important, it’s the only real democracy in the Chinese-speaking world.
“This election matters because it’s a window into democracy rooted in Chinese tradition,” says Lung Ying-tai, an author and social commentator who recently stepped down as Culture Minister. “Because of Taiwan, the world is able to envision a different China.”

台灣的選民是否同意她的願景，是一件擴及台北以外的事情。台灣的土地雖小，只有兩千三百萬的人口，但是經濟因電子業，農業以及觀光業的支，以國內生產毛額來說在世界排名第二十幾名。台灣的國內人均產值則是中國的三倍。台灣在1894-95的中日戰爭被中國清朝割讓後，被日本殖民了半個世紀；之後在中國內戰結束時逃避共產黨的國民黨勢力給佔領。長期以來台灣是區域競爭中的一個棋子。在美國的東亞布局中，台灣、日本、南韓及菲律賓同為最關鍵的環節。更重要的是，台灣是在華語世界中唯一一個真正的民主國家。甫卸任文化部長的作者與社會評論員龍應台表示：「這場選舉很重要，因為它提供了一個窗口，讓外界一探以中華文化為根基的民主……因為台灣，世界得以想像一個不一樣的中國。」

Taiwan’s politics irritate and befuddle Beijing. To the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Taiwan is the province that got away, a living, breathing, voting reminder of what could happen to China if the CCP loosens its grip on its periphery, from Tibet to Xinjiang to Hong Kong. Beijing is particularly wary of a change in government from Ma’s relatively China-friendly Kuomintang (KMT) to Tsai’s firmly China-skeptic Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). When Tsai ran for President in 2012, Beijing blasted her, without actually naming her, as a “troublemaker” and “splittist”—CCP-speak reserved for Dalai Lama–level foes. “A DPP government means uncertainty for cross-strait ties,” says Lin Gang, a Taiwan specialist at Shanghai Jiao Tong University’s School of International and Public Affairs.

台灣的政治讓北京感到惱怒又百思不解。對中國共產黨來說，台灣是一個逃走的省，也是對中國活生生的提醒──若中國鬆懈對於香港、西藏及新疆等非核心地區的掌控時，可能會發生的事。北京對於台灣的政權，由對中國相對友善的馬政府輪替到對中國保持疑慮的民進黨，抱持格外戒慎的態度。蔡英文在2012年參選總統的時候，北京雖然沒有指名道姓，卻明顯對她大肆抨擊，說她是一個「麻煩製造者」或「分裂主義者」——在共產黨的術語中，這些話專門達賴喇嘛這一層級的仇敵。任教於上海交通大學國際與公共關係學院的台灣事務專家林岡說：「民進黨政府代表的是兩岸關係的不確定性。」

To the U.S., which is bound by the Taiwan Relations Act to come to the island’ s aid if it’s attacked, Taiwan is a longtime friend and unofficial ally, though the strength of that friendship is being tested by China’s rise. Washington worries that Taiwan’s people, especially its youth, are growing warier of China, and that any conflict between the two might draw in the U.S.
“What this election has done is crystallize the changes, the shift in public opinion,” says Shelley Rigger, a Taiwan scholar at Davidson College in North Carolina and the author of Why Taiwan Matters. “I don’t think cross-strait relations are going to be easy going forward, and that’s not something U.S. policymakers want to hear.”

對美國來說，根據《台灣關係法》，在台灣受到武力攻擊的情況下，須協防台灣。台灣是美國長期友邦和非正式盟國，儘管兩國之間友誼的強度正受到中國崛起的考驗。華府擔心台灣人民，特別是年輕人，對於中國的警戒心逐漸提高，而兩者之間的衝突可能會把美國牽扯進來。著有《台灣為何重要》（Why Taiwan Matters）一書的美國北卡羅來那州戴維森大學（Davidson College）教授任雪麗（Shelley Rigger）說：「這場選舉讓所有的改變具體化，反映出民意板塊的移動……我不認為接下來的兩岸關係會更融洽，而這不是美國的政策制定者想要聽到的東西。」

The KMT has yet to formally nominate a candidate for the top job, but the favorite is Hung Hsiu-chu, the legislature’s female deputy speaker. Nicknamed ”little hot pepper” because of her diminutive stature and feisty manner, Hung, 67, would be a contrast to the more professorial Tsai should she get the KMT’s nod. “I don’t think [Tsai] is a strong opponent,” Hung tells TIME. Yet the DPP’s choice, who has already started pressing the flesh islandwide, is spirited too. “People have this vision of me as a conservative person, but I’m actually quite adventurous,” she says. And possessed of a sharp sense of humor—when I compliment her cooking, Tsai looks at me with mock exasperation: “I have a Ph.D., you know.”

國民黨雖然還未正式提名總統候選人，但目前最被看好的就是立法院副院長洪秀柱。因為身材嬌小與好戰性格而被封為「小辣椒」的洪秀柱（67歲），如果獲黨的提名，將與擁有學者形象的蔡英文，呈現顯著的對比。洪秀柱向時代記者表示：「我不認為蔡英文是一位強的對手」。然而，民進黨的候選人已經士氣高昂，在全台各地展開競選活動。蔡英文說：「有些人認為我是一個保守的人，但我其實是很愛冒險的」。她有一種犀利的幽默感──當我讚美她的廚藝時，她用搞笑的語氣假裝惱怒說：「我可是擁有博士學位的。」

Tsai grew up in a home on Taipei’s Zhongshan Road North, a street named after Taiwan’s symbolic father, Sun Yat-sen, the Chinese revolutionary who helped overthrow the Qing and co-founded the KMT. Her own father, an auto mechanic turned property developer, was of the Confucian kind: he encouraged her to study hard but also expected her, as the youngest daughter, to devote herself to his care. “I was not considered a kid that would be successful in my career,” says Tsai.

蔡英文在台北的中山北路長大，這條街是以革命推翻清朝、成立國民黨並視為國父的孫逸仙命名。她的父親是一位修車技師，後來成為土地開發商。他承襲了儒家思想，希望蔡英文要用功讀書，但也期許身為小女兒的蔡英文可以留在父親身邊照顧他。蔡英文說：「我小時候不是一個被認為未來會有成就的孩子。」

After attending university in Taiwan, she studied law at Cornell in New York because, she says, it seemed the place for a young woman who “wanted to have a revolutionary life.” From there she went to the London School of Economics, where she earned her Ph.D., also in law, in less than three years. “That pleased my father,” she says. When he called her home, she obliged, returning to Taiwan to teach and, in 1994, to enter government in a series of high- profile but mostly policy-oriented roles in the Fair Trade Commission, National Security Council and Mainland Affairs Council.

在台灣大學畢業後，她前往紐約州康乃爾大學研讀法律，因為她說，這是一個「想過革命性的生活」的年輕女子該去的地方。之後，她前往倫敦政治經濟學院攻讀法學博士，並且三年不到就獲得學位。她說：「這讓我父親很高興」。她遵從父親的意思返回台灣，先回大學教書並在1994年進入政府，出任公平交易委員會、國安會及陸委會等一系列重要的、政策導向的職位。

Even close supporters say Tsai was, and perhaps still is, an unlikely politician, especially for the DPP. Taiwan’s opposition party was forged in struggle and led by veterans of the democracy movement—a fight Tsai mostly missed. The Kaohsiung Incident in 1979—a human-rights rally that was violently broken up by security forces, galvanizing the democracy movement— took place while Tsai was overseas, cocooned in the ivory tower. If the archetypal DPP operative is a bare-knuckle street fighter, Tsai is an Olympic fencer—restrained and precise.

就連許多親近蔡英文的支持者都認為，蔡英文是一位非典型的政治人物，特別就民進黨而言。身為在野黨的民進黨，在台灣民主運動的奮鬥過程中焠煉而成，由民主運動的老兵所成立，這是一場蔡英文錯過的戰役。1979年高雄的美麗島事件，當一場人權遊行遭警政單位暴力驅散，而後來激勵了台灣的民主運動，蔡英文當時正在國外求學，受到象牙塔的庇護。若說民進黨的典型人物是赤手空拳的街頭鬥士，蔡英文則是一位奧林匹克級的劍術家：自我克制又精確到位。

She stepped into the spotlight in 2008, becoming party chair when the DPP found itself booted from office, with its chief Chen Shui-bian, the outgoing President, later convicted of corruption. While she possessed a deep knowledge of policy, Tsai did not then seem like a leader. “She used to sort of hide behind me when we went door to door,” recalls legislator Hsiao Bi-khim, a longtime colleague and friend. “People compared her to a lost bunny in the forest, with wolves surrounding, both from within the party and outside.

在2008年民進黨失去政權，而前總統陳水扁隨即遭貪汙罪起訴的時刻，蔡英文踏入了鎂光燈下，成為民進黨主席。雖然蔡英文對於政策擁有深度的瞭解，但當時她還不像一位領導人。長期以來是她同事與朋友的立法委員蕭美琴說「以前當我們挨家挨戶去拜訪時，她有點會躲在我身後」。「有些形容她為一個在森林裡迷路的兔子，被黨內與黨外的狼群包圍。」

After an unsuccessful 2010 mayoral bid, Tsai ran for, and also lost, the presidency in 2012. Jason Liu, a veteran DPP speechwriter, says now that the campaign did not “sell” Tsai well enough. The ideas were strong, but the delivery left “distance between her and the voters.” Ironically, it was not until her concession speech that Tsai seemed to connect emotionally with Taiwan’s citizens. “You may cry,” she told the tearful crowd. “But don’t lose heart.”

2010年，蔡英文參與市長選舉失利，在2012年也沒順利當選總統。民進黨資深文膽劉建忻表示，當時的競選總部對於「行銷」蔡英文這個概念，做得不夠好；雖然擁有許多好點子，但是執行上還是「讓選民感到有所距離」。諷刺地，一直到敗選感言，蔡英文才似乎與台灣人民產生情感上的連結。她對含著淚水的群眾表示：「你可以哭泣，但不能洩氣。」

A lot has changed since 2012. Eleven hours after making eggs, with a policy meeting, a cross-country train ride and a harbor tour behind her, Tsai is addressing a couple hundred students at a university in the southern city of Kaohsiung, a DPP stronghold. She’s in lecture mode, at ease, talking about her party’s economic plans: stronger regional links and a focus on innovation to support small businesses. “How many of you went to Taipei for the Sunflower protests?” she asks in Mandarin. At least a third raise their hands.

2012年之後的台灣，歷經了許多改變。蔡英文煎蛋後的11個小時後，歷經了一場政策會議、搭乘高鐵從北一路向南、緊接著進行高雄碼頭導覽。她抵達南台灣民進黨的重鎮高雄，向數百位大學生發表演說。她以一派輕鬆的授課模式，闡述著民進黨的經濟計畫：加強區域間的連結，並聚焦於支持創新的小型經濟。她用中文詢問在場學生「你們之中有多少人去台北參加過太陽花學運？」現場至少有三分之一的學生舉起了手。

Taiwan’s students were once seen as apathetic. But during spring last year, Taipei was swept up by thousands-strong demonstrations over a services pact with China. Student and civic groups worried that the deal could hurt Taiwan’s economy and leave it vulnerable to pressure from Beijing. They felt it was pushed through without adequate public scrutiny. The Sunflower Movement, as it came to be called after a florist donated bundles of the blooms, grew into a grassroots revolt, culminating in the March 18 storming of the legislature.

台灣的學生過去一度被視為相當冷漠。但是在去年的春天，台北市被數以千計的抗議者淹沒，反對與中國簽訂的服務貿易協議。學生與公民團體擔憂這個協議會傷害台灣經濟，讓台灣的經濟受制於中國壓力而變得脆弱。他們也認為，服貿協議的推動並沒有經過適當的公民審議。太陽花運動是民間累積的抗爭與不滿，在3月18日這天一舉衝進立法院，運動的稱號是由於抗爭期間一位花販捐贈了大量太陽花而因此命名。

The movement was grounded in questions of social justice. Since coming to power in 2008, Ma has argued that cross-strait commerce is the key to the island’s fortunes, signing 21 trade deals. Yet young people in particular wonder if the deals benefit only Big Business on both sides of the strait. They say rapprochement with Beijing has left them none the richer, and agonize over the high cost of housing, flat wages and the possibility of local jobs going to China. A sign during a protest outside the Presidential Palace on March 30 last year captured the mood: “We don’t have another Taiwan to sell.”

這個運動的主要訴求就是社會正義。自從國民黨2008年執政以來，簽訂了21個兩岸貿易協定，馬英九主張兩岸的商業往來是台灣最關鍵的財富來源。但是年輕人質疑這項論述，他們認為這些貿易協議只有兩岸的大財團獲利。他們說北京的和解政策並沒有讓年輕人變得富有，反而讓他們受困於高房價、停滯的薪資、以及在地工作機會可能流失到中國的可能性。在去年3月30日於總統府外的抗議中，有個標語最能捕捉整體的社會氛圍：「台灣只有一個，賣了就沒了！」

The emphasis on quality of life, and not just macro-indicators, is good news for Tsai. Her vision for a more economically independent Taiwan did not sway the electorate in 2012 but may now have stronger appeal. The KMT, bruised by the Sunflower protests and then battered by fed-up voters in midterm polls last fall, is trying to remake itself as a more populist party. Timothy Yang, a former Foreign Minister who is now vice president of the National Policy Foundation, the KMT’s think tank, says the party stands by its cross-strait record. But even Yang, a KMT stalwart, is keen to address the issue of equity:
“The benefits of this interaction with mainland China should be shared with the general public.”

台灣社會對於生活品質的重視，而非僅僅強調宏觀經濟指標，對蔡英文來說是件好事。她希望打造一個經濟上更加獨立的台灣，雖然這個理念在2012年並沒有說動選民，但，現在可能更有吸引力。國民黨在太陽花運動中受到重創，在去年秋天的期中選舉中又再度被選民以選票教訓。現在，國民黨試圖把自己再造成一個民粹的政黨。目前擔任國民黨智庫『國家政策基金會』副董事長的前外交部長楊進添先生受訪時說道，「國民黨堅持其兩岸的立場」。但即便像楊進添這樣堅定的國民黨員，也熱衷於解決公平的議題。他說：「兩岸互動的利益，應該要與全民共享！」

Tsai should easily carry traditional DPP support: much of the south, the youth vote, and those who identify as Taiwanese and who are not a part of the elite that came from China after the CCP victory in 1949. The DPP’s missing link is Big Business, which supports the KMT and closer ties with the mainland, where many Taiwan companies are invested. Tsai recognizes that this is a constituency she needs to woo but doesn’t seem clear as to how, beyond saying, “Our challenge is to produce something that is sensible to both sides without being considered as a traitor to the friends we used to be with when we were an opposition party.”

蔡英文要得到傳統民進黨的支持並不難，例如南部選民、年輕選票、還有那些認同自己是台灣人，而不是1949年中國共產黨勝利後來自中國的精英份子。然而，民進黨缺乏與大企業的連結，因為台灣企業大量投資大陸，而其中這些大財團多半支持國民黨，以及與大陸建立更緊密的關係。蔡英文也理解到這是她必須要去吸引的一群選民，但是對於如何進行並沒有太清楚的圖像。她說：「我們的挑戰是要去創造雙方都認為合理的立場，又不能被我們在野時的朋友認為是叛徒。」

That will be hard. The KMT has long argued that it, not the DPP, is best qualified to run the economy, which, corruption apart, did not do well under Chen. Tsai’s supporters concede that many citizens feel the same way—that the DPP can be an effective opposition but not administration. “The KMT has always portrayed itself as more suited to guide the economy,” says J. Michael Cole, a Taipei-based senior fellow with the University of Nottingham’s China Policy Institute and a senior officer at Tsai’s Thinking Taiwan Foundation. “There’s this stubborn perception that a DPP government would be bad for business.”

這是困難的挑戰。國民黨長期主張自己比民進黨更擅長治理經濟，尤其陳水扁執政時期除了貪污，經濟表現並不好。蔡英文的支持者也同意，確實有些民眾認為民進黨可是一個稱職的反對黨，但不是執政黨。諾丁漢大學中國政策研究中心資深研究員暨小英基金會資深主管寇謐將（J. Michael Cole）說：「國民黨把自己描繪是一個更適合主導經濟的政黨。另外也有一種僵化的刻版印象，認為民進黨執政對企業不利。」

It’s a narrative that the CCP backs and may well float as the campaign progresses, either directly, in China’s state-controlled press, or indirectly, through, for instance, its connections in Taiwan’s business community. “Beijing is going to want to make a point through all sorts of channels, including Big Business, that cross-strait relations will not be as smooth if you vote a government into power that has not accepted the foundation that has underpinned developments of the last eight years,” says Alan Romberg, a distinguished fellow at the Stimson Center, a Washington, D.C., think tank.

這種論調受到中國共產黨的支持，並且今隨著選戰的進展不斷被拋出。共產黨可能直接地利用中國控制的媒體影響選舉，或是間接地透過中國與台灣商業界的連結。美國華府智庫史汀森研究中心（Stimson Center）資深學者容安瀾（Alan Romberg）說：「北京將會透過大企業等各種管道來闡述其立場，表明要是台灣人民讓一個不接受過去八年兩岸發展基
礎的政府執政，兩岸關係的發展將不會如現在一樣平順。」

Beijing has never been receptive to a DPP government, but it is particularly negative now. Since coming to power in 2012, China’s leader Xi Jinping has proved himself to be more assertive and nationalistic than most expected, a man not eager to compromise. Last September he told a delegation from the island that China and Taiwan might be one day be reunited under Hong Kong’s “one country, two systems” formula, which is rejected by both the KMT and DPP and, surveys consistently show, the vast majority of Taiwan’s people. This May, Xi warned again about the danger of “separatist forces”—a comment widely interpreted as a swipe at the DPP.

北京對於民進黨政權的接受度向來不高，但現在尤其抱持負面的態度。中國領導人習近平在2012年掌權後，證明自己比外界想像的還更加武斷，帶有更強烈的民族主義色彩，是一個不輕易妥協的人。去年九月，他對一個來自台灣的代表團說，中國和台灣可望採用香港「一國兩制」的模式統一，然而這卻是一個國民黨和民進黨都反對的方案，而且民調也一再顯示，絕大多數的台灣人民無法接受。今年五月，習近平再度警告「分裂主義勢力」會帶來的危險──這段說詞普遍被外界詮釋為對民進黨的抨擊。

Cross-strait relations are managed according to the so-called 1992 Consensus reached by Beijing and Taipei (then also governed by the KMT), a formula the KMT’s Yang calls “a masterpiece of ambiguity.” Under the 1992 Consensus, both sides acknowledge that there is only one China, but without specifying what exactly that means. This, Yang says, has allowed the KMT to move forward on bilateral trade, transport and tourism without being forced to address whether “one China” is the China imagined by Beijing or by Taipei.

兩岸關係是治理目前根據北京和台北（當時為國民黨執政）之間所謂的九二共識，這是一個被國民黨的楊進添形容為「模糊性的一大鉅作」的政策。根據九二共識，雙方承認只有一個中國，但不表明一個中國的確切意含。楊進添說，這讓國民黨在推展雙邊貿易、交通和觀光方面得以取得進展，而不需被迫去回答「一個中國」究竟是北京或是台北心目中的中國。

The DPP has long promoted de jure independence. The first clause in its charter calls for “the establishment of an independent sovereignty known as the Republic of Taiwan,” not the Republic of China, Taiwan’s official name. This platform resonates with the DPP base but is increasingly untenable given China’s economic clout and growing power on the world stage. While the first DPP presidency under Chen was hardly a break from the past, it did see a cooling with Beijing. Things warmed again under Ma. Lin, the Taiwan expert at Shanghai Jiao Tong University, says Tsai is somewhere between Chen and Ma: “If she wins the election, she will not pursue Taiwan in dependence. But she will not promote the development of the cross-strait relationship as Ma Ying-jeou did.”

民進黨過去長期以來推動台灣的法理獨立。民進黨黨綱第一條闡明「建立主權獨立自主的台灣共和國」，而非台灣的正式國號中華民國。這個立場獲得民進黨基本盤的認同，卻在中國的經濟實力成長與中國在世界舞台上崛起之下，越來越無法實現。儘管陳水扁主政時期的民進黨政府跟過去的政策並無太大差別，但跟北京的關係確實趨向冷淡。馬英九主政時期兩岸關係再度暖化。上海交通大學的台灣專家林岡說，蔡英文的立場介於馬英九和陳水扁之間。他說：「如果她勝選，她不會追求台灣獨立。但她也不會像馬英九一樣推動兩岸關係的發展。」

Tsai stresses that she will not alter the politics between Taiwan and China, but she is vague about whether she will repeal the DPP’s independence clause. And unification? That, she says, “is something you have to resolve democratically—it is a decision to be made by the people here.”

蔡英文強調她不會改變台灣和中國之間的政治關係，但對於是否撤回台獨條文卻是依然維持模糊。至於統一呢？她說：「那是必須經由民主程序解決的事情——這是一個必須經由此地的人民來做的決定。」

Hung, Tsai’s potential KMT opponent, says the DPP flag bearer needs to clarify her stance on cross-strait relations. “People ask her, ‘What is the status quo?’ and she can’t say anything specific,” says Hung. The KMT’s Yang offers a metaphor: “Before you harvest, you have to plow the land, transplant the seedlings, fertilize; all the work … has been done by the KMT, and yet they are going to harvest the crop?”

蔡英文的在對手洪秀柱說，民進黨的掌舵手需要清楚地闡明她對兩岸關係的立場。洪秀柱說：「大家問她『維持現狀是什麼意思？』，她卻沒有給具體的回應。」國民黨的楊進添用一個比喻：「在收割之前，要先耕地、播種、施肥；所有的工作……都已經被國民黨完成了，然而他們現在卻想要收割？」

Tsai believes she will win that right. Several days before I return to my Beijing base, over Taiwan-Japanese fusion in Kaohsiung, Tsai is quietly confident that she will gain the trust of Taiwan’s voters and secure victory, whatever Beijing might think. She puts a final piece of tuna on my plate. It’ s from Pingtung County in the south, where she was born. “Go back to Beijing,” says Tsai, “and tell them you were served by the next President of Taiwan.”

蔡英文相信她會贏得這項權利。在我返回北京駐點的前幾天，我們在一家位於高雄的台式日本料理小店用餐，蔡英文對於取得台灣選民的信任並贏得選戰，展現出低調的自信。當時，她把最後一片鮪魚夾到我的盤子上。那塊鮪魚來自南方的屏東，她的出生地。「妳回北京以後，告訴他們，」蔡英文說：「台灣的下一任總統曾經為妳服務過。」

—With reporting by Zoher Abdoolcarim, Gladys Tsai and Natalie Tso/Taipei

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圖片：猜猜看，認出畫風了嗎？^^

（歡迎任何形式分享，一律免問）

「她將可能領導華人世界唯一民主國家， She Could Lead The Only Chinese Democracy」。

民進黨主席暨總統參選人蔡英文登上最新一期時代雜誌封面，蔡主席是繼印度總理莫迪、印尼總統佐科威、韓國總統朴槿惠後，最新一位登上時代雜誌封面的亞洲領導人。
中英譯全文：

［雜誌封面］
She Could Lead the Only Chinese Democracy
And that makes Beijing nervous
她將可能領導華人世界唯一的民主國家
這讓北京感到緊張

［目錄頁］
Cover Story: Championing Taiwan
Presidential front runner Tsai Ing-wen wants to put the island’s interests first
封面故事：壯大台灣
總統大選領先者蔡英文要將台灣利益置於優先

［內頁大標］
‘The Next President Of Taiwan’
That’s how Tsai Ing-wen refers to herself. But will the island’s voters agree?
台灣的下一任總統
蔡英文是這樣認為。但是這座島嶼的選民會同意嗎？

［內文］
Emily Rauhala / 台北報導 Adam Ferguson / 攝影
Tsai Ing-wen is making breakfast. The presidential candidate cracks five eggs and lets them bubble with bacon in the pan. She stacks slices of thick, white toast. It’s a recipe adapted from British chef Jamie Oliver, but the ingredients, she can’t help but say, are pure Taiwan. The meat comes courtesy of Happy Pig, a farm near her spare but tasteful Taipei apartment, the bread from a neighborhood bakery. She offers me an orange. “Organic,” she says, in English. “And local, of course.”
蔡英文正在做早餐。這位總統候選人打了五個蛋，和著平底鍋裡面的培根一起吱吱作響，再把一片片白色的厚片土司疊起來。料理手法學自英國名廚傑米奧利佛（Jamie Oliver），但是她忍不住要說，烹調食材屬於最純粹的台灣原料。培根來自「快樂豬」農場，距離她那簡單卻有品味的公寓不遠，而麵包是從她家附近的烘培坊買來的。她遞了一顆橘子給我，用英文跟我說：「有機的！當然也是在地的。」
This is not an average breakfast for the 58-year-old lawyer turned politician running to become Taiwan’s next President—most days she grabs a coffee and books it to the car. But it is, in many ways, oh so Tsai. The Taipei-raised, U.S.- and U.K.-educated former negotiator wrote her doctoral thesis on international trade law. As a minister, party chair and presidential candidate (she narrowly lost to two-term incumbent Ma Ying-jeou in the 2012 race), Tsai gained a reputation for being wonky—the type who likes to debate protectionism over early-morning sips of black coffee or oolong tea.
對於這位58歲、從律師轉變成政治人物的總統候選人來說，這可不是她平常吃的早餐。她通常隨手抓一杯咖啡在車上喝。不過許多方面來說，這應該可以算是一貫的「蔡式」風格。這位在臺北長大、在英美留學過的談判專家，博士論文寫的是國際貿易法。在她當陸委會主委、民進黨主席、總統候選人期間（她在2012年的總統大選中以些微差距輸給了馬英九總統），得到學院派的風評──她是那種喜歡在早上喝黑咖啡或烏龍茶時，跟你辯論保護主義的人。
Now, as the early front runner in Taiwan’s January 2016 presidential election, her vision for the island is proudly, defiantly, Taiwan-centric. Tsai says she would maintain the political status quo across the strait with China—essentially, both Taipei and Beijing agreeing to disagree as to which represents the one, true China, leaving the question of the island’s fate to the future. But Tsai wants to put Taiwan’s economy, development and culture first. While Ma and his government have pushed for new trade and tourism pacts with Beijing—China accounts for some 40% of Taiwan’s exports—Tsai aims to lessen the island’s dependence on the mainland by building global ties and championing local brands. “Taiwan needs a new model,” she tells TIME.
現在，身為在2016年台灣總統大選中的領先者，蔡英文的願景充滿自信又堅定地強調以台灣為核心。蔡英文說她會維持兩岸的現狀──這指的是說臺北與北京彼此同意對於何者代表中國保留不同的認知［註明：這是時代雜誌記者的見解］，並且把這個島嶼的命運留給未來決定。但，蔡英文想要將台灣的經濟、發展與文化置於首位。當馬英九和他的政府推動與中國的貿易及觀光協議時（中國占台灣出口的百分之四十），蔡英文希望加強與世界連結、扶植台灣品牌，以降低台灣對中國的依賴。她對時代雜誌說：「台灣需要一個新模式」。
Whether voters share her vision is a question that matters beyond Taipei. Taiwan is tiny, with a population of only 23 million, but its economy—powered by electronics, agriculture and tourism—ranks about mid-20s in the world by GDP size, with a GDP per capita about thrice that of China’s. Ceded by China’s Qing dynasty to Japan after the 1894–95 First Sino-Japanese War, colonized by Tokyo for half a century, then seized by Nationalist forces fleeing the Communists at the end of the Chinese civil war, Taiwan has long been a pawn in a regional great game. It is a linchpin for the U.S. in East Asia alongside Japan, South Korea and the Philippines, and, most important, it’s the only real democracy in the Chinese-speaking world. “This election matters because it’s a window into democracy rooted in Chinese tradition,” says Lung Ying-tai, an author and social commentator who recently stepped down as Culture Minister. “Because of Taiwan, the world is able to envision a different China.”
台灣的選民是否同意她的願景，是一件擴及台北以外的事情。台灣的土地雖小，只有兩千三百萬的人口，但是經濟因電子業，農業以及觀光業的支撐，以國內生產毛額來說在世界排名第二十幾名。台灣的國內人均產值則是中國的三倍。台灣在1894-95的中日戰爭被中國清朝割讓後，被日本殖民了半個世紀；之後在中國內戰結束時逃避共產黨的國民黨勢力給佔領。長期以來台灣是區域競爭中的一個棋子。在美國的東亞布局中，台灣、日本、南韓及菲律賓同為最關鍵的環節。更重要的是，台灣是在華語世界中唯一一個真正的民主國家。甫卸任文化部長的作者與社會評論員龍應台說：「這場選舉很重要，因為它提供了一個窗口，讓外界一探以中華文化為根基的民主……因為台灣，世界得以想像一個不一樣的中國。」
Taiwan’s politics irritate and befuddle Beijing. To the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Taiwan is the province that got away, a living, breathing, voting reminder of what could happen to China if the CCP loosens its grip on its periphery, from Tibet to Xinjiang to Hong Kong. Beijing is particularly wary of a change in government from Ma’s relatively China-friendly Kuomintang (KMT) to Tsai’s firmly China-skeptic Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). When Tsai ran for President in 2012, Beijing blasted her, without actually naming her, as a “troublemaker” and “splittist”—CCP-speak reserved for Dalai Lama–level foes. “A DPP government means uncertainty for cross-strait ties,” says Lin Gang, a Taiwan specialist at Shanghai Jiao Tong University’s School of International and Public Affairs.
台灣的政治讓北京感到惱怒又百思不解。對中國共產黨來說，台灣是一個逃走的省，也是對中國活生生的提醒──若中國鬆懈對於香港、西藏及新疆等非核心地區的掌控時，可能會發生的事。北京對於台灣的政權，由對中國相對友善的馬政府輪替到對中國保持疑慮的民進黨，抱持格外戒慎的態度。蔡英文在2012年參選總統的時候，北京雖然沒有指名道姓，卻明顯對她大肆抨擊，說她是一個「麻煩製造者」或「分裂主義者」——在共產黨的術語中，這些話專門達賴喇嘛這一層級的仇敵。任教於上海交通大學國際與公共關係學院的台灣事務專家林岡說：「民進黨政府代表的是兩岸關係的不確定性。」
To the U.S., which is bound by the Taiwan Relations Act to come to the island’s aid if it’s attacked, Taiwan is a longtime friend and unofficial ally, though the strength of that friendship is being tested by China’s rise. Washington worries that Taiwan’s people, especially its youth, are growing warier of China, and that any conflict between the two might draw in the U.S. “What this election has done is crystallize the changes, the shift in public opinion,” says Shelley Rigger, a Taiwan scholar at Davidson College in North Carolina and the author of Why Taiwan Matters. “I don’t think cross-strait relations are going to be easy going forward, and that’s not something U.S. policymakers want to hear.”
對美國來說，根據《台灣關係法》，在台灣受到武力攻擊的情況下，須協防台灣。台灣是美國長期友邦和非正式盟國，儘管兩國之間友誼的強度正受到中國崛起的考驗。華府擔心台灣人民，特別是年輕人，對於中國的警戒心逐漸提高，而兩者之間的衝突可能會把美國牽扯進來。著有《台灣為何重要》（Why Taiwan Matters）一書的美國北卡羅來那州戴維森大學（Davidson College）教授任雪麗（Shelley Rigger）說：「這場選舉讓所有的改變具體化，反映出民意板塊的移動……我不認為接下來的兩岸關係會更融洽，而這不是美國的政策制定者想要聽到的東西。」
The KMT has yet to formally nominate a candidate for the top job, but the favorite is Hung Hsiu-chu, the legislature’s female deputy speaker. Nicknamed “little hot pepper” because of her diminutive stature and feisty manner, Hung, 67, would be a contrast to the more professorial Tsai should she get the KMT’s nod. “I don’t think [Tsai] is a strong opponent,” Hung tells TIME. Yet the DPP’s choice, who has already started pressing the flesh islandwide, is spirited too. “People have this vision of me as a conservative person, but I’m actually quite adventurous,” she says. And possessed of a sharp sense of humor—when I compliment her cooking, Tsai looks at me with mock exasperation: “I have a Ph.D., you know.”
國民黨雖然還未正式提名總統候選人，但目前最被看好的就是立法院副院長洪秀柱。因為身材嬌小與好戰性格而被封為「小辣椒」的洪秀柱（67歲），如果獲黨的提名，將與擁有學者形象的蔡英文，呈現顯著的對比。洪秀柱向時代記者表示：「我不認為蔡英文是一位強的對手」。然而，民進黨的候選人已經士氣高昂，在全台各地展開競選活動。蔡英文說：「有些人認為我是一個保守的人，但我其實是很愛冒險的」。她有一種犀利的幽默感──當我讚美她的廚藝時，她用搞笑的語氣假裝惱怒說：「我可是擁有博士學位的。」
Tsai grew up in a home on Taipei’s Zhongshan Road North, a street named after Taiwan’s symbolic father, Sun Yat-sen, the Chinese revolutionary who helped overthrow the Qing and co-founded the KMT. Her own father, an auto mechanic turned property developer, was of the Confucian kind: he encouraged her to study hard but also expected her, as the youngest daughter, to devote herself to his care. “I was not considered a kid that would be successful in my career,” says Tsai.
蔡英文在台北的中山北路長大，這條街是以革命推翻清朝、成立國民黨並視為國父的孫逸仙命名。她的父親是一位修車技師，後來成為土地開發商。他承襲了儒家思想，希望蔡英文要用功讀書，但也期許身為小女兒的蔡英文可以留在父親身邊照顧他。蔡英文說：「我小時候不是一個被認為未來會有成就的孩子。」
After attending university in Taiwan, she studied law at Cornell in New York because, she says, it seemed the place for a young woman who “wanted to have a revolutionary life.” From there she went to the London School of Economics, where she earned her Ph.D., also in law, in less than three years. “That pleased my father,” she says. When he called her home, she obliged, returning to Taiwan to teach and, in 1994, to enter government in a series of high-profile but mostly policy-oriented roles in the Fair Trade Commission, National Security Council and Mainland Affairs Council.
在台灣大學畢業後，她前往紐約州康乃爾大學研讀法律，因為她說，這是一個「想過革命性的生活」的年輕女子該去的地方。之後，她前往倫敦政治經濟學院攻讀法學博士，並且三年不到就獲得學位。她說：「這讓我父親很高興」。她遵從父親的意思返回台灣，先回大學教書並在1994年進入政府，出任公平交易委員會、國安會及陸委會等一系列重要的、政策導向的職位。
Even close supporters say Tsai was, and perhaps still is, an unlikely politician, especially for the DPP. Taiwan’s opposition party was forged in struggle and led by veterans of the democracy movement—a fight Tsai mostly missed. The Kaohsiung Incident in 1979—a human-rights rally that was violently broken up by security forces, galvanizing the democracy movement—took place while Tsai was overseas, cocooned in the ivory tower. If the archetypal DPP operative is a bare-knuckle street fighter, Tsai is an Olympic fencer—restrained and precise.
就連許多親近蔡英文的支持者都認為，蔡英文是一位非典型的政治人物，特別就民進黨而言。身為在野黨的民進黨，在台灣民主運動的奮鬥過程中焠煉而成，由民主運動的老兵所成立，這是一場蔡英文錯過的戰役。1979年高雄的美麗島事件，當一場人權遊行遭警政單位暴力驅散，而後來激勵了台灣的民主運動，蔡英文當時正在國外求學，受到象牙塔的庇護。若說民進黨的典型人物是赤手空拳的街頭鬥士，蔡英文則是一位奧林匹克級的劍術家：自我克制又精確到位。
She stepped into the spotlight in 2008, becoming party chair when the DPP found itself booted from office, with its chief Chen Shui-bian, the outgoing President, later convicted of corruption. While she possessed a deep knowledge of policy, Tsai did not then seem like a leader. “She used to sort of hide behind me when we went door to door,” recalls legislator Hsiao Bi-khim, a longtime colleague and friend. “People compared her to a lost bunny in the forest, with wolves surrounding, both from within the party and outside.
在2008年民進黨失去政權，而前總統陳水扁隨即遭貪汙罪起訴的時刻，蔡英文踏入了鎂光燈下，成為民進黨主席。雖然蔡英文對於政策擁有深度的瞭解，但當時她還不像一位領導人。長期以來是她同事與朋友的立法委員蕭美琴說「以前當我們挨家挨戶去拜訪時，她有點會躲在我身後」。「有些形容她為一個在森林裡迷路的兔子，被黨內與黨外的狼群包圍。」
After an unsuccessful 2010 mayoral bid, Tsai ran for, and also lost, the presidency in 2012. Jason Liu, a veteran DPP speechwriter, says now that the campaign did not “sell” Tsai well enough. The ideas were strong, but the delivery left “distance between her and the voters.” Ironically, it was not until her concession speech that Tsai seemed to connect emotionally with Taiwan’s citizens. “You may cry,” she told the tearful crowd. “But don’t lose heart.”
2010年，蔡英文參與市長選舉失利，在2012年也沒順利當選總統。民進黨資深文膽劉建忻表示，當時的競選總部對於「行銷」蔡英文這個概念，做得不夠好；雖然擁有許多好點子，但是執行上還是「讓選民感到有所距離」。諷刺地，一直到敗選感言，蔡英文才似乎與台灣人民產生情感上的連結。她對含著淚水的群眾表示：「你可以哭泣，但不能洩氣。」
A lot has changed since 2012. Eleven hours after making eggs, with a policy meeting, a cross-country train ride and a harbor tour behind her, Tsai is addressing a couple hundred students at a university in the southern city of Kaohsiung, a DPP stronghold. She’s in lecture mode, at ease, talking about her party’s economic plans: stronger regional links and a focus on innovation to support small businesses. “How many of you went to Taipei for the Sunflower protests?” she asks in Mandarin. At least a third raise their hands.
2012年之後的台灣，歷經了許多改變。蔡英文煎蛋後的11個小時後，歷經了一場政策會議、搭乘高鐵從北一路向南、緊接著進行高雄碼頭導覽。她抵達南台灣民進黨的重鎮高雄，向數百位大學生發表演說。她以一派輕鬆的授課模式，闡述著民進黨的經濟計畫：加強區域間的連結，並聚焦於支持創新的小型經濟。她用中文詢問在場學生「你們之中有多少人去台北參加過太陽花學運？」現場至少有三分之一的學生舉起了手。
Taiwan’s students were once seen as apathetic. But during spring last year, Taipei was swept up by thousands-strong demonstrations over a services pact with China. Student and civic groups worried that the deal could hurt Taiwan’s economy and leave it vulnerable to pressure from Beijing. They felt it was pushed through without adequate public scrutiny. The Sunflower Movement, as it came to be called after a florist donated bundles of the blooms, grew into a grassroots revolt, culminating in the March 18 storming of the legislature.
台灣的學生過去一度被視為相當冷漠。但是在去年的春天，台北市被數以千計的抗議者淹沒，反對與中國簽訂的服務貿易協議。學生與公民團體擔憂這個協議會傷害台灣經濟，讓台灣的經濟受制於中國壓力而變得脆弱。他們也認為，服貿協議的推動並沒有經過適當的公民審議。太陽花運動是民間累積的抗爭與不滿，在3月18日這天一舉衝進立法院，運動的稱號是由於抗爭期間一位花販捐贈了大量太陽花而因此命名。
The movement was grounded in questions of social justice. Since coming to power in 2008, Ma has argued that cross-strait commerce is the key to the island’s fortunes, signing 21 trade deals. Yet young people in particular wonder if the deals benefit only Big Business on both sides of the strait. They say rapprochement with Beijing has left them none the richer, and agonize over the high cost of housing, flat wages and the possibility of local jobs going to China. A sign during a protest outside the Presidential Palace on March 30 last year captured the mood: “We don’t have another Taiwan to sell.”
這個運動的主要訴求就是社會正義。自從國民黨2008年執政以來，簽訂了21個兩岸貿易協定，馬英九主張兩岸的商業往來是台灣最關鍵的財富來源。但是年輕人質疑這項論述，他們認為這些貿易協議只有兩岸的大財團獲利。他們說北京的和解政策並沒有讓年輕人變得富有，反而讓他們受困於高房價、停滯的薪資、以及在地工作機會可能流失到中國的可能性。在去年3月30日於總統府外的抗議中，有個標語最能捕捉整體的社會氛圍：「台灣只有一個，賣了就沒了！」
The emphasis on quality of life, and not just macro-indicators, is good news for Tsai. Her vision for a more economically independent Taiwan did not sway the electorate in 2012 but may now have stronger appeal. The KMT, bruised by the Sunflower protests and then battered by fed-up voters in midterm polls last fall, is trying to remake itself as a more populist party. Timothy Yang, a former Foreign Minister who is now vice president of the National Policy Foundation, the KMT’s think tank, says the party stands by its cross-strait record. But even Yang, a KMT stalwart, is keen to address the issue of equity: “The benefits of this interaction with mainland China should be shared with the general public.”
台灣社會對於生活品質的重視，而非僅僅強調宏觀經濟指標，對蔡英文來說是件好事。她希望打造一個經濟上更加獨立的台灣，雖然這個理念在2012年並沒有說動選民，但，現在可能更有吸引力。國民黨在太陽花運動中受到重創，在去年秋天的期中選舉中又再度被選民以選票教訓。現在，國民黨試圖把自己再造成一個民粹的政黨。目前擔任國民黨智庫『國家政策基金會』副董事長的前外交部長楊進添先生受訪時說道，「國民黨堅持其兩岸的立場」。但即便像楊進添這樣堅定的國民黨員，也熱衷於解決公平的議題。他說：「兩岸互動的利益，應該要與全民共享！」
Tsai should easily carry traditional DPP support: much of the south, the youth vote, and those who identify as Taiwanese and who are not a part of the elite that came from China after the CCP victory in 1949. The DPP’s missing link is Big Business, which supports the KMT and closer ties with the mainland, where many Taiwan companies are invested. Tsai recognizes that this is a constituency she needs to woo but doesn’t seem clear as to how, beyond saying, “Our challenge is to produce something that is sensible to both sides without being considered as a traitor to the friends we used to be with when we were an opposition party.”
蔡英文要得到傳統民進黨的支持並不難，例如南部選民、年輕選票、還有那些認同自己是台灣人，而不是1949年中國共產黨勝利後來自中國的精英份子。然而，民進黨缺乏與大企業的連結，因為台灣企業大量投資大陸，而其中這些大財團多半支持國民黨，以及與大陸建立更緊密的關係。蔡英文也理解到這是她必須要去吸引的一群選民，但是對於如何進行並沒有太清楚的圖像。她說：「我們的挑戰是要去創造雙方都認為合理的立場，又不能被我們在野時的朋友認為是叛徒。」
That will be hard. The KMT has long argued that it, not the DPP, is best qualified to run the economy, which, corruption apart, did not do well under Chen. Tsai’s supporters concede that many citizens feel the same way—that the DPP can be an effective opposition but not administration. “The KMT has always portrayed itself as more suited to guide the economy,” says J. Michael Cole, a Taipei-based senior fellow with the University of Nottingham’s China Policy Institute and a senior officer at Tsai’s Thinking Taiwan Foundation. “There’s this stubborn perception that a DPP government would be bad for business.”
這是困難的挑戰。國民黨長期主張自己比民進黨更擅長治理經濟，尤其陳水扁執政時期除了貪污，經濟表現並不好。蔡英文的支持者也同意，確實有些民眾認為民進黨可是一個稱職的反對黨，但不是執政黨。諾丁漢大學中國政策研究中心資深研究員暨小英基金會資深主管寇謐將（J. Michael Cole）說：「國民黨把自己描繪是一個更適合主導經濟的政黨。另外也有一種僵化的刻版印象，認為民進黨執政對企業不利。」
It’s a narrative that the CCP backs and may well float as the campaign progresses, either directly, in China’s state-controlled press, or indirectly, through, for instance, its connections in Taiwan’s business community. “Beijing is going to want to make a point through all sorts of channels, including Big Business, that cross-strait relations will not be as smooth if you vote a government into power that has not accepted the foundation that has underpinned developments of the last eight years,” says Alan Romberg, a distinguished fellow at the Stimson Center, a Washington, D.C., think tank.
這種論調受到中國共產黨的支持，並且今隨著選戰的進展不斷被拋出。共產黨可能直接地利用中國控制的媒體影響選舉，或是間接地透過中國與台灣商業界的連結。美國華府智庫史汀森研究中心（Stimson Center）資深學者容安瀾（Alan Romberg）說：「北京將會透過大企業等各種管道來闡述其立場，表明要是台灣人民讓一個不接受過去八年兩岸發展基礎的政府執政，兩岸關係的發展將不會如現在一樣平順。」
Beijing has never been receptive to a DPP government, but it is particularly negative now. Since coming to power in 2012, China’s leader Xi Jinping has proved himself to be more assertive and nationalistic than most expected, a man not eager to compromise. Last September he told a delegation from the island that China and Taiwan might be one day be reunited under Hong Kong’s “one country, two systems” formula, which is rejected by both the KMT and DPP and, surveys consistently show, the vast majority of Taiwan’s people. This May, Xi warned again about the danger of “separatist forces”—a comment widely interpreted as a swipe at the DPP.
北京對於民進黨政權的接受度向來不高，但現在尤其抱持負面的態度。中國領導人習近平在2012年掌權後，證明自己比外界想像的還更加武斷，帶有更強烈的民族主義色彩，是一個不輕易妥協的人。去年九月，他對一個來自台灣的代表團說，中國和台灣可望採用香港「一國兩制」的模式統一，然而這卻是一個國民黨和民進黨都反對的方案，而且民調也一再顯示，絕大多數的台灣人民無法接受。今年五月，習近平再度警告「分裂主義勢力」會帶來的危險──這段說詞普遍被外界詮釋為對民進黨的抨擊。
Cross-strait relations are managed according to the so-called 1992 Consensus reached by Beijing and Taipei (then also governed by the KMT), a formula the KMT’s Yang calls “a masterpiece of ambiguity.” Under the 1992 Consensus, both sides acknowledge that there is only one China, but without specifying what exactly that means. This, Yang says, has allowed the KMT to move forward on bilateral trade, transport and tourism without being forced to address whether “one China” is the China imagined by Beijing or by Taipei.
兩岸關係是治理目前根據北京和台北（當時為國民黨執政）之間所謂的九二共識，這是一個被國民黨的楊進添形容為「模糊性的一大鉅作」的政策。根據九二共識，雙方承認只有一個中國，但不表明一個中國的確切意含。楊進添說，這讓國民黨在推展雙邊貿易、交通和觀光方面得以取得進展，而不需被迫去回答「一個中國」究竟是北京或是台北心目中的中國。
The DPP has long promoted de jure independence. The first clause in its charter calls for “the establishment of an independent sovereignty known as the Republic of Taiwan,” not the Republic of China, Taiwan’s official name. This platform resonates with the DPP base but is increasingly untenable given China’s economic clout and growing power on the world stage. While the first DPP presidency under Chen was hardly a break from the past, it did see a cooling with Beijing. Things warmed again under Ma. Lin, the Taiwan expert at Shanghai Jiao Tong University, says Tsai is somewhere between Chen and Ma: “If she wins the election, she will not pursue Taiwan independence. But she will not promote the development of the cross-strait relationship as Ma Ying-jeou did.”
民進黨過去長期以來推動台灣的法理獨立。民進黨黨綱第一條闡明「建立主權獨立自主的台灣共和國」，而非台灣的正式國號中華民國。這個立場獲得民進黨基本盤的認同，卻在中國的經濟實力成長與中國在世界舞台上崛起之下，越來越無法實現。儘管陳水扁主政時期的民進黨政府跟過去的政策並無太大差別，但跟北京的關係確實趨向冷淡。馬英九主政時期兩岸關係再度暖化。上海交通大學的台灣專家林岡說，蔡英文的立場介於馬英九和陳水扁之間。他說：「如果她勝選，她不會追求台灣獨立。但她也不會像馬英九一樣推動兩岸關係的發展。」
Tsai stresses that she will not alter the politics between Taiwan and China, but she is vague about whether she will repeal the DPP’s independence clause. And unification? That, she says, “is something you have to resolve　democratically—it is a decision to be made by the people here.”
蔡英文強調她不會改變台灣和中國之間的政治關係，但對於是否撤回台獨條文卻是依然維持模糊。至於統一呢？她說：「那是必須經由民主程序解決的事情——這是一個必須經由此地的人民來做的決定。」
Hung, Tsai’s potential KMT opponent, says the DPP flag bearer needs to clarify her stance on cross-strait relations. “People ask her, ‘What is the status quo?’ and she can’t say anything specific,” says Hung. The KMT’s Yang offers a metaphor: “Before you harvest, you have to plow the land, transplant the seedlings, fertilize; all the work … has been done by the KMT, and yet they are going to harvest the crop?”
蔡英文的濳在對手洪秀柱說，民進黨的掌舵手需要清楚地闡明她對兩岸關係的立場。洪秀柱說：「大家問她『維持現狀是什麼意思？』，她卻沒有給具體的回應。」國民黨的楊進添用一個比喻：「在收割之前，要先耕地、播種、施肥；所有的工作……都已經被國民黨完成了，然而他們現在卻想要收割？」
Tsai believes she will win that right. Several days before I return to my Beijing base, over Taiwan-Japanese fusion in Kaohsiung, Tsai is quietly confident that she will gain the trust of Taiwan’s voters and secure victory, whatever Beijing might think. She puts a final piece of tuna on my plate. It’s from Pingtung County in the south, where she was born. “Go back to Beijing,” says Tsai, “and tell them you were served by the next President of Taiwan.”
—With reporting by Zoher Abdoolcarim, Gladys Tsai and Natalie Tso/Taipei
蔡英文相信她會贏得這項權利。在我返回北京駐點的前幾天，我們在一家位於高雄的台式日本料理小店用餐，蔡英文對於取得台灣選民的信任並贏得選戰，展現出低調的自信。當時，她把最後一片鮪魚夾到我的盤子上。那塊鮪魚來自南方的屏東，她的出生地。「妳回北京以後，告訴他們，」蔡英文說：「台灣的下一任總統曾經為妳服務過。」
延伸報導： Abdoolcarim, Gladys Tsai, Natalie Tso
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